卷四·周本纪第四

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中 卷四·周本纪第四

卷四·周本纪第四

司马迁

周后稷,名弃。其母有邰氏女,曰姜原。姜原为帝喾元妃。姜原出野,见巨人迹,心忻然说,欲践之,践之而身动如孕者。居期而生子,以为不祥,弃之隘巷,马牛过者皆辟不践;徙置之林中,適会山林多人,迁之;而弃渠中冰上,飞鸟以其翼覆荐之。姜原以为神,遂收养长之。初欲弃之,因名曰弃。

弃为儿时,屹如巨人之志。其游戏,好种树麻、菽,麻、菽美。及为成人,遂好耕农,相地之宜,宜谷者稼穑焉,民皆法则之。帝尧闻之,举弃为农师,天下得其利,有功。帝舜曰:“弃,黎民始饥,尔后稷播时百谷。”封弃于邰,号曰后稷,别姓姬氏。后稷之兴,在陶唐、虞、夏之际,皆有令德。

后稷卒,子不窋立。不窋末年,夏后氏政衰,去稷不务,不窋以失其官而奔戎狄之间。不窋卒,子鞠立。鞠卒,子公刘立。公刘虽在戎狄之间,复脩后稷之业,务耕种,行地宜,自漆、沮度渭,取材用,行者有资,居者有畜积,民赖其庆。百姓怀之,多徙而保归焉。周道之兴自此始,故诗人歌乐思其德。公刘卒,子庆节立,国于豳。

庆节卒,子皇仆立。皇仆卒,子差弗立。差弗卒,子毁隃立。毁隃卒,子公非立。公非卒,子高圉立。高圉卒,子亚圉立。亚圉卒,子公叔祖类立。公叔祖类卒,子古公亶父立。古公亶父复脩后稷、公刘之业,积德行义,国人皆戴之。薰育戎狄攻之,欲得财物,予之。已复攻,欲得地与民。民皆怒,欲战。古公曰:“有民立君,将以利之。今戎狄所为攻战,以吾地与民。民之在我,与其在彼,何异。民欲以我故战,杀人父子而君之,予不忍为。”乃与私属遂去豳,度漆、沮,逾梁山,止于岐下。豳人举国扶老携弱,尽复归古公于岐下。及他旁国闻古公仁,亦多归之。于是古公乃贬戎狄之俗,而营筑城郭室屋,而邑别居之。作五官有司。民皆歌乐之,颂其德。

古公有长子曰太伯,次曰虞仲。太姜生少子季历,季历娶太任,皆贤妇人,生昌,有圣瑞。古公曰:“我世当有兴者,其在昌乎?”长子太伯、虞仲知古公欲立季历以传昌,乃二人亡如荆蛮,文身断发,以让季历。

古公卒,季历立,是为公季。公季脩古公遗道,笃于行义,诸侯顺之。

公季卒,子昌立,是为西伯。西伯曰文王,遵后稷、公刘之业,则古公、公季之法,笃仁,敬老,慈少。礼下贤者,日中不暇食以待士,士以此多归之。伯夷、叔齐在孤竹,闻西伯善养老,盍往归之。太颠、闳夭、散宜生、鬻子、辛甲大夫之徒皆往归之。

崇侯虎谮西伯于殷纣曰:“西伯积善累德,诸侯皆向之,将不利于帝。”帝纣乃囚西伯于羑里。闳夭之徒患之。乃求有莘氏美女,骊戎之文马,有熊九驷,他奇怪物,因殷嬖臣费仲而献之纣。纣大说,曰:“此一物足以释西伯,况其多乎!”乃赦西伯,赐之弓矢斧钺,使西伯得征伐。曰:“谮西伯者,崇侯虎也。”西伯乃献洛西之地,以请纣去炮格之刑。纣许之。

西伯阴行善,诸侯皆来决平。于是虞、芮之人有狱不能决,乃如周。入界,耕者皆让畔,民俗皆让长。虞、芮之人未见西伯,皆惭,相谓曰:“吾所争,周人所耻,何往为,祇取辱耳。”遂还,俱让而去。诸侯闻之,曰“西伯盖受命之君”。

明年,伐犬戎。明年,伐密须。明年,败耆国。殷之祖伊闻之,惧,以告帝纣。纣曰:“不有天命乎?是何能为!”明年,伐邘。明年,伐崇侯虎。而作丰邑,自岐下而徙都丰。明年,西伯崩,太子发立,是为武王。

西伯盖即位五十年。其囚羑里,盖益易之八卦为六十四卦。诗人道西伯,盖受命之年称王而断虞芮之讼。后十年而崩,谥为文王。改法度,制正朔矣。追尊古公为太王,公季为王季:盖王瑞自太王兴。

武王即位,太公望为师,周公旦为辅,召公、毕公之徒左右王,师脩文王绪业。

九年,武王上祭于毕。东观兵,至于盟津。为文王木主,载以车,中军。武王自称太子发,言奉文王以伐,不敢自专。乃告司马、司徒、司空、诸节:“齐栗,信哉!予无知,以先祖有德臣,小子受先功,毕立赏罚,以定其功。”遂兴师。师尚父号曰:“总尔众庶,与尔舟楫,后至者斩。”武王渡河,中流,白鱼跃入王舟中,武王俯取以祭。既渡,有火自上覆于下,至于王屋,流为乌,其色赤,其声魄云。是时,诸侯不期而会盟津者八百诸侯。诸侯皆曰:“纣可伐矣。”武王曰:“女未知天命,未可也。”乃还师归。

居二年,闻纣昏乱暴虐滋甚,杀王子比干,囚箕子。太师疵、少师强抱其乐器而奔周。于是武王遍告诸侯曰:“殷有重罪,不可以不毕伐。”乃遵文王,遂率戎车三百乘,虎贲三千人,甲士四万五千人,以东伐纣。十一年十二月戊午,师毕渡盟津,诸侯咸会。曰:“孳孳无怠!”武王乃作太誓,告于众庶:“今殷王纣乃用其妇人之言,自绝于天,毁坏其三正,离逷其王父母弟,乃断弃其先祖之乐,乃为淫声,用变乱正声,怡说妇人。故今予发维共行天罚。勉哉夫子,不可再,不可三!”

二月甲子昧爽,武王朝至于商郊牧野,乃誓。武王左杖黄钺,右秉白旄,以麾。曰:“远矣西土之人!”武王曰:“嗟!我有国冢君,司徒、司马、司空,亚旅、师氏,千夫长、百夫长,及庸、蜀、羌、髳、微、纑、彭、濮人,称尔戈,比尔干,立尔矛,予其誓。”王曰:“古人有言‘牝鸡无晨。牝鸡之晨,惟家之索’。今殷王纣维妇人言是用,自弃其先祖肆祀不答,昏弃其家国,遗其王父母弟不用,乃维四方之多罪逋逃是崇是长,是信是使,俾暴虐于百姓,以奸轨于商国。今予发维共行天之罚。今日之事,不过六步七步,乃止齐焉,夫子勉哉!不过于四伐五伐六伐七伐,乃止齐焉,勉哉夫子!尚桓桓,如虎如罴,如豺如离,于商郊,不御克奔,以役西土,勉哉夫子!尔所不勉,其于尔身有戮。”誓已,诸侯兵会者车四千乘,陈师牧野。

帝纣闻武王来,亦发兵七十万人距武王。武王使师尚父与百夫致师,以大卒驰帝纣师。纣师虽众,皆无战之心,心欲武王亟入。纣师皆倒兵以战,以开武王。武王驰之,纣兵皆崩畔纣。纣走,反入登于鹿台之上,蒙衣其珠玉,自燔于火而死。武王持大白旗以麾诸侯,诸侯毕拜武王,武王乃揖诸侯,诸侯毕从。武王至商国,商国百姓咸待于郊。于是武王使群臣告语商百姓曰:“上天降休!”商人皆再拜稽首,武王亦答拜。遂入,至纣死所。武王自射之,三发而后下车,以轻剑击之,以黄钺斩纣头,县大白之旗。已而至纣之嬖妾二女,二女皆经自杀。武王又射三发,击以剑,斩以玄钺,县其头小白之旗。武王已乃出复军。

其明日,除道,脩社及商纣宫。及期,百夫荷罕旗以先驱。武王弟叔振铎奉陈常车,周公旦把大钺,毕公把小钺,以夹武王。散宜生、太颠、闳夭皆执剑以卫武王。既入,立于社南大卒之左,右毕从。毛叔郑奉明水,卫康叔封布兹,召公奭赞采,师尚父牵牲。尹佚筴祝曰:“殷之末孙季纣,殄废先王明德,侮蔑神祇不祀,昏暴商邑百姓,其章显闻于天皇上帝。”于是武王再拜稽首,曰:“膺更大命,革殷,受天明命。”武王又再拜稽首,乃出。

封商纣子禄父殷之余民。武王为殷初定未集,乃使其弟管叔鲜、蔡叔度相禄父治殷。已而命召公释箕子之囚。命毕公释百姓之囚,表商容之闾。命南宫括散鹿台之财,发钜桥之粟,以振贫弱萌隶。命南宫括、史佚展九鼎保玉。命闳夭封比干之墓。命宗祝享祠于军。乃罢兵西归。行狩,记政事,作武成。封诸侯,班赐宗彝,作分殷之器物。武王追思先圣王,乃襃封神农之后于焦,黄帝之后于祝,帝尧之后于蓟,帝舜之后于陈,大禹之后于杞。于是封功臣谋士,而师尚父为首封。封尚父于营丘,曰齐。封弟周公旦于曲阜,曰鲁。封召公奭于燕。封弟叔鲜于管,弟叔度于蔡。余各以次受封。

武王徵九牧之君,登豳之阜,以望商邑。武王至于周,自夜不寐。周公旦即王所,曰:“曷为不寐?”王曰:“告女:维天不飨殷,自发未生于今六十年,麋鹿在牧,蜚鸿满野。天不享殷,乃今有成。维天建殷,其登名民三百六十夫,不显亦不宾灭,以至今。我未定天保,何暇寐!”王曰:“定天保,依天室,悉求夫恶,贬从殷王受。日夜劳来定我西土,我维显服,及德方明。自洛汭延于伊汭,居易毋固,其有夏之居。我南望三途,北望岳鄙,顾詹有河,粤詹雒、伊,毋远天室。”营周居于雒邑而后去。纵马于华山之阳,放牛于桃林之虚;偃干戈,振兵释旅:示天下不复用也。

武王已克殷,后二年,问箕子殷所以亡。箕子不忍言殷恶,以存亡国宜告。武王亦丑,故问以天道。

武王病。天下未集,群公惧,穆卜,周公乃祓斋,自为质,欲代武王,武王有瘳。后而崩,太子诵代立,是为成王。

成王少,周初定天下,周公恐诸侯畔周,公乃摄行政当国。管叔、蔡叔群弟疑周公,与武庚作乱,畔周。周公奉成王命,伐诛武庚、管叔,放蔡叔。以微子开代殷后,国于宋。颇收殷余民,以封武王少弟封为卫康叔。晋唐叔得嘉谷,献之成王,成王以归周公于兵所。周公受禾东土,鲁天子之命。初,管、蔡畔周,周公讨之,三年而毕定,故初作大诰,次作微子之命,次归禾,次嘉禾,次康诰、酒诰、梓材,其事在周公之篇。周公行政七年,成王长,周公反政成王,北面就群臣之位。

成王在丰,使召公复营洛邑,如武王之意。周公复卜申视,卒营筑,居九鼎焉。曰:“此天下之中,四方入贡道里均。”作召诰、洛诰。成王既迁殷遗民,周公以王命告,作多士、无佚。召公为保,周公为师,东伐淮夷,残奄,迁其君薄姑。成王自奄归,在宗周,作多方。既绌殷命,袭淮夷,归在丰,作周官。兴正礼乐,度制于是改,而民和睦,颂声兴。成王既伐东夷,息慎来贺,王赐荣伯作贿息慎之命。

成王将崩,惧太子钊之不任,乃命召公、毕公率诸侯以相太子而立之。成王既崩,二公率诸侯,以太子钊见于先王庙,申告以文王、武王之所以为王业之不易,务在节俭,毋多欲,以笃信临之,作《顾命》。太子钊遂立,是为康王。康王即位,遍告诸侯,宣告以文武之业以申之,作《康诰》。故成康之际,天下安宁,刑错四十余年不用。康王命作策毕公分居里,成周郊,作《毕命》。

康王卒,子昭王瑕立。昭王之时,王道微缺。昭王南巡狩不返,卒于江上。其卒不赴告,讳之也。立昭王子满,是为穆王。穆王即位,春秋已五十矣。王道衰微,穆王闵文武之道缺,乃命伯□ 申诫太仆国之政,作《□ 命》。复宁。

穆王将征犬戎,祭公谋父谏曰:“不可。先王燿德不观兵。夫兵戢而时动,动则威,观则玩,玩则无震。是故周文公之颂曰:‘载戢干戈,载櫜弓矢,我求懿德,肆于时夏,允王保之。’先王之于民也,茂正其德而厚其性,阜其财求而利其器用,明利害之乡,以文脩之,使之务利而辟害,怀德而畏威,故能保世以滋大。昔我先王世后稷以服事虞、夏。及夏之衰也,弃稷不务,我先王不窋用失其官,而自窜于戎狄之间。不敢怠业,时序其德,遵脩其绪,脩其训典,朝夕恪勤,守以敦笃,奉以忠信。奕世载德,不忝前人。至于文王、武王,昭前之光明而加之以慈和,事神保民,无不欣喜。商王帝辛大恶于民,庶民不忍,载武王,以致戎于商牧。是故先王非务武也,勤恤民隐而除其害也。夫先王之制,邦内甸服,邦外侯服,侯卫宾服,夷蛮要服,戎翟荒服。甸服者祭,侯服者祀,宾服者享,要服者贡,荒服者王。日祭,月祀,时享,岁贡,终王。先王之顺祀也,有不祭则脩意,有不祀则脩言,有不享则脩文,有不贡则脩名,有不王则脩德,序成而有不至则脩刑。于是有刑不祭,伐不祀,征不享,让不贡,告不王。于是有刑罚之辟,有攻伐之兵,有征讨之备,有威让之命,有文告之辞。布令陈辞而有不至,则增脩于德,无勤民于远。是以近无不听,远无不服。今自大毕、伯士之终也,犬戎氏以其职来王,天子曰‘予必以不享征之,且观之兵’,无乃废先王之训,而王几顿乎?吾闻犬戎树敦,率旧德而守终纯固,其有以御我矣。”王遂征之,得四白狼、四白鹿以归。自是荒服者不至。

诸侯有不睦者,甫侯言于王,作脩刑辟。王曰:“吁,来!有国有土,告汝祥刑。在今尔安百姓,何择非其人,何敬非其刑,何居非其宜与?两造具备,师听五辞。五辞简信,正于五刑。五刑不简,正于五罚。五罚不服,正于五过。五过之疵,官狱内狱,阅实其罪,惟钧其过。五刑之疑有赦,五罚之疑有赦,其审克之。简信有众,惟讯有稽。无简不疑,共严天威。黥辟疑赦,其罚百率,阅实其罪。劓辟疑赦,其罚倍洒,阅实其罪。膑辟疑赦,其罚倍差,阅实其罪。宫辟疑赦,其罚五百率,阅实其罪。大辟疑赦,其罚千率,阅实其罪。墨罚之属千,劓罚之属千,膑罚之属五百,宫罚之属三百,大辟之罚其属二百:五刑之属三千。”命曰甫刑。

穆王立五十五年,崩,子共王繄扈立。共王游于泾上,密康公从,有三女奔之。其母曰:“必致之王。夫兽三为群,人三为众,女三为粲。王田不取群,公行不下众,王御不参一族。夫粲,美之物也。众以美物归女,而何德以堪之?王犹不堪,况尔之小丑乎!小丑备物,终必亡。”康公不献,一年,共王灭密。共王崩,子懿王囏立。懿王之时,王室遂衰,诗人作刺。

懿王崩,共王弟辟方立,是为孝王。孝王崩,诸侯复立懿王太子燮,是为夷王。

夷王崩,子厉王胡立。厉王即位三十年,好利,近荣夷公。大夫芮良夫谏厉王曰:“王室其将卑乎?夫荣公好专利而不知大难。夫利,百物之所生也,天地之所载也,而有专之,其害多矣。天地百物皆将取焉,何可专也?所怒甚多,而不备大难。以是教王,王其能久乎?夫王人者,将导利而布之上下者也。使神人百物无不得极,犹日怵惕惧怨之来也。故颂曰‘思文后稷,克配彼天,立我蒸民,莫匪尔极’。大雅曰‘陈锡载周’。是不布利而惧难乎,故能载周以至于今。今王学专利,其可乎?匹夫专利,犹谓之盗,王而行之,其归鲜矣。荣公若用,周必败也。”厉王不听,卒以荣公为卿士,用事。

王行暴虐侈傲,国人谤王。召公谏曰:“民不堪命矣。”王怒,得卫巫,使监谤者,以告则杀之。其谤鲜矣,诸侯不朝。三十四年,王益严,国人莫敢言,道路以目。厉王喜,告召公曰:“吾能弭谤矣,乃不敢言。”召公曰:“是障之也。防民之口,甚于防水。水壅而溃,伤人必多,民亦如之。是故为水者决之使导,为民者宣之使言。故天子听政,使公卿至于列士献诗,瞽献曲,史献书,师箴,瞍赋,矇诵,百工谏,庶人传语,近臣尽规,亲戚补察,瞽史教诲,耆艾脩之,而后王斟酌焉,是以事行而不悖。民之有口也,犹土之有山川也,财用于是乎出:犹其有原隰衍沃也,衣食于是乎生。口之宣言也,善败于是乎兴。行善而备败,所以产财用衣食者也。夫民虑之于心而宣之于口,成而行之。若壅其口,其与能几何?”王不听。于是国莫敢出言,三年,乃相与畔,袭厉王。厉王出奔于彘。

厉王太子静匿召公之家,国人闻之,乃围之。召公曰:“昔吾骤谏王,王不从,以及此难也。今杀王太子,王其以我为雠而怼怒乎?夫事君者,险而不雠怼,怨而不怒,况事王乎!”乃以其子代王太子,太子竟得脱。

召公、周公二相行政,号曰“共和”。共和十四年,厉王死于彘。太子静长于召公家,二相乃共立之为王,是为宣王。宣王即位,二相辅之,脩政,法文、武、成、康之遗风,诸侯复宗周。十二年,鲁武公来朝。

宣王不脩籍于千亩,虢文公谏曰不可,王弗听。三十九年,战于千亩,王师败绩于姜氏之戎。

宣王既亡南国之师,乃料民于太原。仲山甫谏曰:“民不可料也。”宣王不听,卒料民。

四十六年,宣王崩,子幽王宫湦立。幽王二年,西周三川皆震。伯阳甫曰:“周将亡矣。夫天地之气,不失其序;若过其序,民乱之也。阳伏而不能出,阴迫而不能蒸,于是有地震。今三川实震,是阳失其所而填阴也。阳失而在阴,原必塞;原塞,国必亡。夫水土演而民用也。土无所演,民乏财用,不亡何待!昔伊、洛竭而夏亡,河竭而商亡。今周德若二代之季矣,其川原又塞,塞必竭。夫国必依山川,山崩川竭,亡国之徵也。川竭必山崩。若国亡不过十年,数之纪也。天之所弃,不过其纪。”是岁也,三川竭,岐山崩。

三年,幽王嬖爱襃姒。襃姒生子伯服,幽王欲废太子。太子母申侯女,而为后。后幽王得襃姒,爱之,欲废申后,并去太子宜臼,以襃姒为后,以伯服为太子。周太史伯阳读史记曰:“周亡矣。”昔自夏后氏之衰也,有二神龙止于夏帝庭而言曰:“余,襃之二君。”夏帝卜杀之与去之与止之,莫吉。卜请其漦而藏之,乃吉。于是布币而策告之,龙亡而漦在,椟而去之。夏亡,传此器殷。殷亡,又传此器周。比三代,莫敢发之,至厉王之末,发而观之。漦流于庭,不可除。厉王使妇人裸而譟之。漦化为玄鼋,以入王后宫。后宫之童妾既龀而遭之,既笄而孕,无夫而生子,惧而弃之。宣王之时童女谣曰:“檿弧箕服,实亡周国。”于是宣王闻之,有夫妇卖是器者,宣王使执而戮之。逃于道,而见乡者后宫童妾所弃妖子出于路者,闻其夜啼,哀而收之,夫妇遂亡,奔于襃。襃人有罪,请入童妾所弃女子者于王以赎罪。弃女子出于襃,是为襃姒。当幽王三年,王之后宫见而爱之,生子伯服,竟废申后及太子,以襃姒为后,伯服为太子。太史伯阳曰:“祸成矣,无可奈何!”

襃姒不好笑,幽王欲其笑万方,故不笑。幽王为烽燧大鼓,有寇至则举烽火。诸侯悉至,至而无寇,襃姒乃大笑。幽王说之,为数举烽火。其后不信,诸侯益亦不至。

幽王以虢石父为卿,用事,国人皆怨。石父为人佞巧善谀好利,王用之。又废申后,去太子也。申侯怒,与缯、西夷犬戎攻幽王。幽王举烽火徵兵,兵莫至。遂杀幽王骊山下,虏襃姒,尽取周赂而去。于是诸侯乃即申侯而共立故幽王太子宜臼,是为平王,以奉周祀。

平王立,东迁于雒邑,辟戎寇。平王之时,周室衰微,诸侯强并弱,齐、楚、秦、晋始大,政由方伯。

四十九年,鲁隐公即位。

五十一年,平王崩,太子洩父蚤死,立其子林,是为桓王。桓王,平王孙也。

桓王三年,郑庄公朝,桓王不礼。五年,郑怨,与鲁易许田。许田,天子之用事太山田也。八年,鲁杀隐公,立桓公。十三年,伐郑,郑射伤桓王,桓王去归。

二十三年,桓王崩,子庄王佗立。庄王四年,周公黑肩欲杀庄王而立王子克。辛伯告王,王杀周公。王子克奔燕。

十五年,庄王崩,子釐王胡齐立。釐王三年,齐桓公始霸。

五年,釐王崩,子惠王阆立。惠王二年。初,庄王嬖姬姚,生子穨,穨有宠。及惠王即位,夺其大臣园以为囿,故大夫边伯等五人作乱,谋召燕、卫师,伐惠王。惠王奔温,已居郑之栎。立釐王弟穨为王。乐及遍舞,郑、虢君怒。四年,郑与虢君伐杀王穨,复入惠王。惠王十年,赐齐桓公为伯。

二十五年,惠王崩,子襄王郑立。襄王母蚤死,后母曰惠后。惠后生叔带,有宠于惠王,襄王畏之。三年,叔带与戎、翟谋伐襄王,襄王欲诛叔带,叔带奔齐。齐桓公使管仲平戎于周,使隰朋平戎于晋。王以上卿礼管仲。管仲辞曰:“臣贱有司也,有天子之二守国、高在。若节春秋来承王命,何以礼焉。陪臣敢辞。”王曰:“舅氏,余嘉乃勋,毋逆朕命。”管仲卒受下卿之礼而还。九年,齐桓公卒。十二年,叔带复归于周。

十三年,郑伐滑,王使游孙、伯服请滑,郑人囚之。郑文公怨惠王之入不与厉公爵,又怨襄王之与卫滑,故囚伯服。王怒,将以翟伐郑。富辰谏曰:“凡我周之东徙,晋、郑焉依。子穨之乱,又郑之由定,今以小怨弃之!”王不听。十五年,王降翟师以伐郑。王德翟人,将以其女为后。富辰谏曰:“平、桓、庄、惠皆受郑劳,王弃亲亲翟,不可从。”王不听。十六年,王绌翟后,翟人来诛,杀谭伯。富辰曰:“吾数谏不从。如是不出,王以我为怼乎?”乃以其属死之。

初,惠后欲立王子带,故以党开翟人,翟人遂入周。襄王出奔郑,郑居王于氾。子带立为王,取襄王所绌翟后与居温。十七年,襄王告急于晋,晋文公纳王而诛叔带。襄王乃赐晋文公珪鬯弓矢,为伯,以河内地与晋。二十年,晋文公召襄王,襄王会之河阳、践土,诸侯毕朝,《书讳》曰:“天王狩于河阳。”

二十四年,晋文公卒。

三十一年,秦穆公卒。

三十二年,襄王崩,子顷王壬臣立。顷王六年,崩,子匡王班立。匡王六年,崩,弟瑜立,是为定王。

定王元年,楚庄王伐陆浑之戎,次洛,使人问九鼎。王使王孙满应设以辞,楚兵乃去。十年,楚庄王围郑,郑伯降,已而复之。十六年,楚庄王卒。

二十一年,定王崩,子简王夷立。简王十三年,晋杀其君厉公,迎子周于周,立为悼公。

十四年,简王崩,子灵王泄心立。灵王二十四年,齐崔杼弑其君庄公。二十七年,灵王崩,子景王贵立。景王十八年,后太子圣而蚤卒。二十年,景王爱子朝,欲立之,会崩,子丐之党与争立,国人立长子猛为王,子朝攻杀猛。猛为悼王。晋人攻子朝而立丐,是为敬王。

敬王元年,晋人入敬王,子朝自立,敬王不得入,居泽。四年,晋率诸侯入敬王于周,子朝为臣,诸侯城周。十六年,子朝之徒复作乱,敬王奔于晋。十七年,晋定公遂入敬王于周。

三十九年,齐田常杀其君简公。

四十一年,楚灭陈。孔子卒。

四十二年,敬王崩,子元王仁立。元王八年,崩,子定王介立。

定王十六年,三晋灭智伯,分有其地。

二十八年,定王崩,长子去疾立,是为哀王。哀王立三月,弟叔袭杀哀王而自立,是为思王。思王立五月,少弟嵬攻杀思王而自立,是为考王。此三王皆定王之子。

考王十五年,崩,子威烈王午立。

考王封其弟于河南,是为桓公,以续周公之官职。桓公卒,子威公代立。威公卒,子惠公代立,乃封其少子于巩以奉王,号东周惠公。

威烈王二十三年,九鼎震。命韩、魏、赵为诸侯。

二十四年,崩,子安王骄立。是岁盗杀楚声王。

安王立二十六年,崩,子烈王喜立。烈王二年,周太史儋见秦献公曰:“始周与秦国合而别,别五百载复合,合十七岁而霸王者出焉。”

十年,烈王崩,弟扁立,是为显王。显王五年,贺秦献公,献公称伯。九年,致文武胙于秦孝公。二十五年,秦会诸侯于周。二十六年,周致伯于秦孝公。三十三年,贺秦惠王。三十五年,致文武胙于秦惠王。四十四年,秦惠王称王。其后诸侯皆为王。

四十八年,显王崩,子慎靓王定立。慎靓王立六年,崩,子赧王延立。王赧时东西周分治。王赧徙都西周。

西周武公之共太子死,有五庶子,毋適立。司马翦谓楚王曰:“不如以地资公子咎,为请太子。”左成曰:“不可。周不听,是公之知困而交疏于周也。不如请周君孰欲立,以微告翦,翦请令楚资之以地。”果立公子咎为太子。

八年,秦攻宜阳,楚救之。而楚以周为秦故,将伐之。苏代为周说楚王曰:“何以周为秦之祸也?言周之为秦甚于楚者,欲令周入秦也,故谓‘周秦’也。周知其不可解,必入于秦,此为秦取周之精者也。为王计者,周于秦因善之,不于秦亦言善之,以疏之于秦。周绝于秦,必入于郢矣。”

秦借道两周之间,将以伐韩,周恐借之畏于韩,不借畏于秦。史厌谓周君曰:“何不令人谓韩公叔曰‘秦之敢绝周而伐韩者,信东周也。公何不与周地,发质使之楚’?秦必疑楚不信周,是韩不伐也。又谓秦曰‘韩强与周地,将以疑周于秦也,周不敢不受’。秦必无辞而令周不受,是受地于韩而听于秦。”

秦召西周君,西周君恶往,故令人谓韩王曰:“秦召西周君,将以使攻王之南阳也,王何不出兵于南阳?周君将以为辞于秦。周君不入秦,秦必不敢逾河而攻南阳矣。”

东周与西周战,韩救西周。或为东周说韩王曰:“西周故天子之国,多名器重宝。王案兵毋出,可以德东周,而西周之宝必可以尽矣。”

王赧谓成君。楚围雍氏,韩徵甲与粟于东周,东周君恐,召苏代而告之。代曰:“君何患于是。臣能使韩毋徵甲与粟于周,又能为君得高都。”周君曰:“子苟能,请以国听子。”代见韩相国曰:“楚围雍氏,期三月也,今五月不能拔,是楚病也。今相国乃徵甲与粟于周,是告楚病也。”韩相国曰:“善。使者已行矣。”五代曰:“何不与周高都?”韩相国大怒曰:“吾毋徵甲与粟于周亦已多矣,何故与周高都也?”代曰:“与周高都,是周折而入于韩也,秦闻之必大怒忿周,即不通周使,是以弊高都得完周也。曷为不与?”相国曰:“善。”果与周高都。

三十四年,苏厉谓周君曰:“秦破韩、魏,扑师武,北取赵蔺、离石者,皆白起也。是善用兵,又有天命。今又将兵出塞攻梁,梁破则周危矣。君何不令人说白起乎?曰‘楚有养由基者,善射者也。去柳叶百步而射之,百发而百中之。左右观者数千人,皆曰善射。有一夫立其旁,曰“善,可教射矣”。养由基怒,释弓搤剑,曰“客安能教我射乎”?客曰“非吾能教子支左诎右也。夫去柳叶百步而射之,百发而百中之,不以善息,少焉气衰力倦,弓拨矢钩,一发不中者,百发尽息”。今破韩、魏,扑师武,北取赵蔺、离石者,公之功多矣。今又将兵出塞,过两周,倍韩,攻梁,一举不得,前功尽弃。公不如称病而无出’。”

四十二年,秦破华阳约。马犯谓周君曰:“请令梁城周。”乃谓梁王曰:“周王病若死,则犯必死矣。犯请以九鼎自入于王,王受九鼎而图犯。”梁王曰:“善。”遂与之卒,言戍周。因谓秦王曰:“梁非戍周也,将伐周也。王试出兵境以观之。”秦果出兵。又谓梁王曰:“周王病甚矣,犯请后可而复之。今王使卒之周,诸侯皆生心,后举事且不信。不若令卒为周城,以匿事端。”梁王曰:“善。”遂使城周。

四十五年,周君之秦客谓周曰:“公不若誉秦王之孝,因以应为太后养地,秦王必喜,是公有秦交。交善,周君必以为公功。交恶,劝周君入秦者必有罪矣。”秦攻周,而周冣谓秦王曰:“为王计者不攻周。攻周,实不足以利,声畏天下。天下以声畏秦,必东合于齐。兵弊于周。合天下于齐,则秦不王矣。天下欲弊秦,劝王攻周。秦与天下弊,则令不行矣。”

五十八年,三晋距秦。周令其相国之秦,以秦之轻也,还其行。客谓相国曰:“秦之轻重未可知也。秦欲知三国之情。公不如急见秦王曰‘请为王听东方之变’,秦王必重公。重公,是秦重周,周以取秦也;齐重,则固有周聚以收齐:是周常不失重国之交也。”秦信周,发兵攻三晋。

五十九年,秦取韩阳城负黍,西周恐,倍秦,与诸侯约从,将天下锐师出伊阙攻秦,令秦无得通阳城。秦昭王怒,使将军摎攻西周。西周君奔秦,顿首受罪,尽献其邑三十六,口三万。秦受其献,归其君于周。

周君、王赧卒,周民遂东亡。秦取九鼎宝器,而迁西周公于{单心}狐。后七岁,秦庄襄王灭东周。东西周皆入于秦,周既不祀。

太史公曰:学者皆称周伐纣,居洛邑,综其实不然。武王营之,成王使召公卜居,居九鼎焉,而周复都丰、镐。至犬戎败幽王,周乃东徙于洛邑。所谓“周公葬毕”,毕在镐东南杜中。秦灭周。汉兴九十有余载,天子将封泰山,东巡狩至河南,求周苗裔,封其后嘉三十里地,号曰周子南君,比列侯,以奉其先祭祀。

英 Fascicle Four · Basic Annals of the Zhou, Fourth

Fascicle Four · Basic Annals of the Zhou, Fourth

司马迁

Houji of the Zhou was named Qi. His mother was a woman of the house of Youtai called Jiang Yuan. Jiang Yuan was the principal consort of the Emperor Ku. Jiang Yuan went out into the fields and saw the footprint of a giant; her heart was gladdened and pleased, and she wished to tread in it, and having trodden in it her body stirred as though she were with child. When her term came she bore a son, and taking it for an ill omen she cast him away in a narrow lane, but the horses and oxen that passed all avoided him and would not tread on him; she moved him into the wood, but it happened that there were many people in the hills and woods, so she removed him again; and she cast him away on the ice of a ditch, but flying birds covered and cushioned him with their wings. Jiang Yuan took this for something divine, and so took him back and reared him to manhood. Because at first she had wished to cast him away, she named him Qi, the Cast-off.

When Qi was a child, he had lofty aims like those of a grown man. In his play he liked to plant hemp and beans, and his hemp and beans were fine. When he came to manhood he took to ploughing and husbandry, examining the land for what was fitted to it, and where grain was suitable he sowed and reaped; and the people all took him as their model. The Emperor Yao heard of it and raised Qi up to be Master of Agriculture, and the world gained the benefit of it; he had merit. The Emperor Shun said, "Qi, the black-haired people are beginning to hunger; you as Lord Millet shall sow the hundred grains in season." He enfeoffed Qi at Tai, styled him Houji, and gave him the separate surname Ji. Houji's rise was in the time of Taotang, Yu and Xia, and they all had excellent virtue.

Houji died and his son Buzhu was set up. In Buzhu's last years the government of the house of Xia declined; they abolished the office of Millet and did not attend to it, and Buzhu, having lost his office, fled among the Rong and Di. Buzhu died and his son Ju was set up. Ju died and his son Gongliu was set up. Gongliu, though among the Rong and Di, again took up the work of Houji, attended to ploughing and sowing, and made use of what the land was fitted for; from the Qi and the Ju he crossed the Wei and took timber for use, so that travellers had supplies and those who dwelt there had stores laid by, and the people depended on his bounty. The hundred clans cherished him, and many moved and came to him for protection. The rise of the way of Zhou began from this, and so the poets sang and rejoiced in remembrance of his virtue. Gongliu died and his son Qingjie was set up, and made his state at Bin.

Qingjie died and his son Huangpu was set up. Huangpu died and his son Chafu was set up. Chafu died and his son Huiyu was set up. Huiyu died and his son Gongfei was set up. Gongfei died and his son Gaoyu was set up. Gaoyu died and his son Yayu was set up. Yayu died and his son Gongshu Zulei was set up. Gongshu Zulei died and his son Gugong Danfu was set up. Gugong Danfu again took up the work of Houji and Gongliu, accumulated virtue and practised righteousness, and the men of the state all supported him. The Xunyu of the Rong and Di attacked him, wanting goods and valuables, and he gave them. Afterwards they attacked again, wanting land and people. The people were all angry and wished to fight. Gugong said: "When a people set up a ruler, it is to be for their benefit. Now what the Rong and Di are fighting for is my land and people. Whether the people are with me or with them, what difference is there? The people wish to fight for my sake — but to kill men's fathers and sons in order to be their ruler, I cannot bear to do." So with his own following he left Bin, crossed the Qi and the Ju, passed over Mount Liang, and stopped below Mount Qi. The people of Bin, the whole state of them, supporting the old and leading the weak, all came back again to Gugong below Mount Qi. And when the other neighbouring states heard of Gugong's humanity, many also went over to him. Thereupon Gugong put away the customs of the Rong and Di and built walls and outworks, houses and chambers, and settled them in separate towns. He set up the five offices with their functionaries. The people all sang and rejoiced in him and praised his virtue.

Gugong had an eldest son called Taibo, and the next was called Yu Zhong. Tai Jiang bore the youngest son Jili, and Jili married Tai Ren; both were worthy women. She bore Chang, who had sagely omens about him. Gugong said, "In my generation there should be one who will rise up — will it be Chang?" The eldest sons Taibo and Yu Zhong knew that Gugong wished to set up Jili in order to pass the succession to Chang, and so the two of them fled to the Jing Man, tattooed their bodies and cut their hair, in order to yield to Jili.

Gugong died and Jili was set up; this is Gongji. Gongji carried on the way Gugong had left, and was earnest in practising righteousness, and the territorial lords followed him.

Gongji died and his son Chang was set up; this is the Earl of the West. The Earl of the West is King Wen. He followed the work of Houji and Gongliu and took the laws of Gugong and Gongji as his model; he was earnest in humanity, respectful to the old and kind to the young. He humbled himself in courtesy to the worthy, and at midday had no leisure to eat, so that he might attend on men of worth; and for this reason many such men went over to him. Boyi and Shuqi were at Guzhu, and hearing that the Earl of the West was good at caring for the old, they said, "Why not go over to him?" Taidian, Hong Yao, San Yisheng, Yuzi, Xin Jia and other great officers all went over to him.

Hu, the Marquis of Chong, slandered the Earl of the West to Zhou of the Yin, saying, "The Earl of the West heaps up goodness and accumulates virtue, and the lords all turn toward him; this will be to Your Majesty's disadvantage." The Emperor Zhou then imprisoned the Earl of the West at Youli. Hong Yao and his fellows were troubled by it. So they sought out a beautiful woman of the house of Youshen, dappled horses of the Li Rong, nine teams of four from Youxiong, and other rare and strange things, and through Zhou's favourite servant Feizhong presented them to Zhou. Zhou was greatly pleased and said, "Any one of these would suffice to release the Earl of the West, how much more so many!" So he pardoned the Earl of the West and bestowed on him bow and arrows, axe and battle-axe, giving the Earl of the West power to chastise and attack. And he said, "It was Hu, the Marquis of Chong, who slandered the Earl of the West." The Earl of the West then offered the lands west of the Luo, asking Zhou to abolish the punishment of the roasting beam. Zhou granted it.

The Earl of the West secretly practised goodness, and the lords all came to him to have disputes settled. Thereupon men of Yu and Rui had a suit they could not settle, and came to the Zhou. Entering the borders, they found that the ploughmen all gave way over the field boundaries, and that the custom of the people was to yield to their elders. The men of Yu and Rui, before they had even seen the Earl of the West, were ashamed, and said to one another, "What we are quarrelling over is what the men of Zhou are ashamed of. Why go on? We should only bring disgrace on ourselves." So they turned back, and both yielded and went away. When the lords heard of it, they said, "The Earl of the West is surely the ruler who has received the mandate."

The next year he attacked the Quanrong. The next year he attacked Mixu. The next year he defeated the state of Qi. Zuyi of the Yin heard of it and was afraid, and reported it to the Emperor Zhou. Zhou said, "Have I not the mandate of heaven? What can they do!" The next year he attacked Yu. The next year he attacked Hu, the Marquis of Chong. And he built the city of Feng, and moved his capital from below Mount Qi to Feng. The next year the Earl of the West died, and the heir apparent Fa was set up; this is King Wu.

The Earl of the West was on the throne some fifty years. During his imprisonment at Youli he is said to have increased the eight trigrams of the Changes to sixty-four hexagrams. The poets say of the Earl of the West that in the year he received the mandate he took the title of king and judged the suit of Yu and Rui. Ten years later he died, and his posthumous title was King Wen. He changed the laws and measures and fixed the first day of the year. He honoured Gugong posthumously as the Great King, and Gongji as King Ji; for the royal omens arose from the Great King.

When King Wu came to the throne, Taigong Wang was his Preceptor and the Duke of Zhou, Dan, his Assistant; the Duke of Shao, the Duke of Bi and their like were at the king's right and left, and they followed and carried on King Wen's unfinished work.

In the ninth year King Wu sacrificed at Bi. He went east to review his troops, and came to Mengjin. He made a wooden tablet for King Wen and carried it in a carriage in the centre of the army. King Wu called himself the heir apparent Fa, saying that he was carrying out the attack in King Wen's name and did not dare to act on his own authority. He announced to the Minister of War, the Minister of Instruction, the Minister of Works and the officers of the several tallies: "Be grave and reverent, be sincere! I am without knowledge, but because my ancestors had virtuous ministers, I the little one have received the merits of my forebears; I have set out rewards and punishments in full, so as to make their achievements sure." Then he raised the army. The Preceptor Shangfu gave the order: "Gather your multitudes and bring your boats and oars; whoever comes late shall be beheaded." King Wu crossed the He, and in midstream a white fish leapt into the king's boat, and King Wu bent down, took it and used it in sacrifice. Having crossed, there was a fire that came down from above upon them, and reaching the king's lodging turned into a crow, red in colour, and its cry was a rushing sound. At that time the lords who came together at Mengjin without appointment were eight hundred. The lords all said, "Zhou may be attacked." King Wu said, "You do not yet know heaven's mandate; it may not yet be done." So he turned the army back and went home.

Two years later, hearing that Zhou's benighted disorder and cruelty had grown worse, that he had killed the prince Bigan and imprisoned Jizi, and that the Grand Preceptor Ci and the Junior Preceptor Qiang had taken their musical instruments and fled to the Zhou — thereupon King Wu announced to all the lords: "The Yin has grave crimes; we cannot but attack it to the utmost." So, following King Wen, he led three hundred war chariots, three thousand tiger guards and forty-five thousand armoured men, and went east to attack Zhou. In the eleventh year, in the twelfth month, on the wuwu day, the army completed the crossing of Mengjin, and the lords all assembled. He said, "Be diligent, be not slack!" King Wu then composed the Great Oath and announced to the multitude: "Now Zhou, king of the Yin, uses the words of his woman; he has cut himself off from heaven, ruined the three standards, and estranged and driven off his father's and mother's brothers; he has cut off and cast away the music of his ancestors and made licentious airs, and by them has altered and confused the correct notes, to please his woman. Therefore now I, Fa, am but carrying out heaven's punishment. Strive, my men! There will not be a second time, nor a third!"

In the second month, on the jiazi day, at the first light of dawn, King Wu came in the morning to Muye in the outskirts of Shang, and made his oath. King Wu held a yellow battle-axe in his left hand and grasped a white yak-tail banner in his right, with which he signalled. He said, "Far have you come, men of the western lands!" King Wu said: "Ah! You chief lords of my states, Ministers of Instruction, of War and of Works, deputy commanders and officers of the guard, leaders of a thousand and leaders of a hundred, and you men of Yong, Shu, Qiang, Mao, Wei, Lu, Peng and Pu: raise your dagger-axes, set your shields side by side, stand your spears upright, and I will make my oath." The king said: "The men of old have a saying: 'The hen does not herald the dawn. If the hen heralds the dawn, the house is ruined.' Now Zhou, king of the Yin, uses only the words of his woman; he has cast away of himself the sacrifices of his ancestors and does not answer to them; he has benightedly cast aside his house and state, and set aside his father's and mother's brothers and does not employ them; and he honours and exalts, trusts and employs the many criminals and fugitives of the four quarters, letting them be cruel to the hundred clans and work villainy in the state of Shang. Now I, Fa, am but carrying out heaven's punishment. In today's affair, go not more than six or seven paces before you halt and dress your ranks — strive, my men! Deal not more than four, five, six or seven blows before you halt and dress your ranks — strive, my men! Be valiant and bold, like tigers and brown bears, like jackals and dragons, here in the outskirts of Shang; do not fall upon those who flee to us, but make them serve the western lands — strive, my men! If you do not strive, it will bring slaughter upon your own persons." The oath being done, the lords' troops that had assembled numbered four thousand chariots, and they drew up their forces at Muye.

The Emperor Zhou, hearing that King Wu had come, also sent out seven hundred thousand men to resist him. King Wu sent the Preceptor Shangfu with a hundred men to challenge battle, and with his main body charged the Emperor Zhou's army. Zhou's army, though numerous, had no heart to fight, and in their hearts wished King Wu to come quickly in. Zhou's soldiers all reversed their weapons in the fighting and opened a way for King Wu. King Wu charged, and Zhou's troops all crumbled and turned against him. Zhou fled, went back in and climbed up on the Deer Terrace, covered himself with his robe of pearls and jade, burned himself in the fire and died. King Wu took the great white banner and signalled to the lords, and the lords all bowed to King Wu, and King Wu saluted them, and they all followed him. King Wu came to the city of Shang, and the hundred clans of the Shang all waited in the suburbs. Thereupon King Wu sent his ministers to announce to the hundred clans of Shang: "High heaven has sent down blessing!" The men of Shang all bowed twice with their heads to the ground, and King Wu bowed in return. Then he entered and came to the place where Zhou had died. King Wu himself shot at him, three arrows, and then got down from his carriage, struck him with his light sword, and with the yellow battle-axe cut off Zhou's head and hung it from the great white banner. Afterwards he came to Zhou's two favoured consorts, and the two women had both hanged themselves. King Wu again shot three arrows, struck them with his sword, beheaded them with the dark battle-axe, and hung their heads from the lesser white banner. When King Wu had done this he went out and returned to the army.

The next day he cleared the roads and repaired the altar of the soil and the palace of Zhou of Shang. When the time came, a hundred men bore the han banners and went before as vanguard. King Wu's younger brother Shu Zhenduo attended the ceremonial chariot; the Duke of Zhou, Dan, held the great battle-axe and the Duke of Bi the lesser battle-axe, and they flanked King Wu. San Yisheng, Taidian and Hong Yao all bore swords and guarded King Wu. Having entered, he stood south of the altar of the soil, on the left of his main body, with all following on the right. Mao Shu Zheng presented the bright water, Kangshu Feng of Wei spread the mats, the Duke of Shao, Shi, assisted with the offerings, and the Preceptor Shangfu led forward the sacrificial victim. Yin Yi read the prayer from the tablets: "Ji Zhou, the last descendant of the Yin, has destroyed and abolished the bright virtue of the former kings, has insulted and slighted the spirits of heaven and earth and not sacrificed to them, and has benightedly oppressed the hundred clans of the city of Shang; and his wickedness has been made manifest and heard by the august Lord on High." Thereupon King Wu bowed twice with his head to the ground and said: "I have received in change the great mandate; the Yin is overthrown, and I have received heaven's bright mandate." King Wu again bowed twice with his head to the ground, and then went out.

He enfeoffed Lufu, the son of Zhou of Shang, with the remaining people of the Yin. Since the Yin was but newly settled and not yet gathered together, King Wu sent his younger brothers Guanshu Xian and Caishu Du to assist Lufu in governing the Yin. Afterwards he ordered the Duke of Shao to release Jizi from prison. He ordered the Duke of Bi to release the common people from prison and to mark Shang Rong's village with a memorial. He ordered Nangong Kuo to distribute the wealth of the Deer Terrace and to open the grain of Juqiao, in order to relieve the poor and weak and the common folk and bondsmen. He ordered Nangong Kuo and the Scribe Yi to display the nine tripods and the precious jades. He ordered Hong Yao to raise a mound over Bigan's grave. He ordered the officers of the ancestral sacrifices to make offerings in the army. Then he disbanded his troops and returned west. He made a tour of inspection, recorded the affairs of government, and composed the Completion of the War. He enfeoffed the lords, distributed the ancestral sacrificial vessels, and composed On Dividing the Vessels and Objects of the Yin. King Wu, thinking back on the former sage kings, honoured and enfeoffed the descendants of Shennong at Jiao, of the Yellow Emperor at Zhu, of the Emperor Yao at Ji, of the Emperor Shun at Chen, and of the Great Yu at Qi. Thereupon he enfeoffed his meritorious ministers and counsellors, and the Preceptor Shangfu was the first enfeoffed. He enfeoffed Shangfu at Yingqiu, called Qi. He enfeoffed his younger brother the Duke of Zhou, Dan, at Qufu, called Lu. He enfeoffed the Duke of Shao, Shi, at Yan. He enfeoffed his younger brother Shu Xian at Guan and his younger brother Shu Du at Cai. The rest each received their fiefs in order.

King Wu summoned the rulers of the nine pastorates, climbed the height of Bin and gazed toward the city of Shang. When King Wu came back to Zhou, he did not sleep all night. The Duke of Zhou, Dan, went to where the king was and said, "Why do you not sleep?" The king said: "I tell you: heaven does not accept the offerings of the Yin. From before I, Fa, was born until now is sixty years; elk and deer are in the pastures, and wild geese fill the fields. Heaven does not accept the Yin, and so now we have succeeded. When heaven established the Yin, it raised to eminence three hundred and sixty men; they were neither made illustrious nor destroyed outright, and so it has come down to this day. I have not yet made sure heaven's protection — what leisure have I for sleep?" The king said: "To make sure heaven's protection, to rely on the heavenly chamber, to seek out all the evil and put them down as we did the Shou, king of Yin; day and night to labour and encourage and settle our western lands; to make my service illustrious until virtue shines in every quarter. From the bend of the Luo stretching to the bend of the Yi, the ground is level and without defiles: this was the dwelling place of the Xia. To the south I look toward Santu, to the north toward the Peak's border regions, looking back I see the He, and further I see the Luo and the Yi; let me not be far from the heavenly chamber." He planned the Zhou dwelling at the city of Luo and then departed. He turned the horses loose on the south of Mount Hua and set the oxen free in the waste of Taolin; he laid down shield and dagger-axe, drew in his forces and dismissed his hosts, to show the world that they would not be used again.

Two years after King Wu had conquered the Yin, he asked Jizi why the Yin had perished. Jizi could not bear to speak of the Yin's wickedness, and told him instead what was fitting about the survival and ruin of states. King Wu too felt shame at it, and so asked him about the way of heaven.

King Wu fell ill. The world was not yet gathered together, and the dukes were afraid and divined with solemn rites; the Duke of Zhou then purified himself by lustration and offered himself as a pledge, wishing to take King Wu's place, and King Wu recovered. Afterwards he died, and the heir apparent Song succeeded in his place; this is King Cheng.

King Cheng was young, and the Zhou had only just settled the world; the Duke of Zhou, fearing that the lords would rebel against the Zhou, acted as regent in the government and took charge of the state. Guanshu, Caishu and the other brothers suspected the Duke of Zhou, and with Wugeng made rebellion and revolted from the Zhou. The Duke of Zhou, by King Cheng's command, attacked and put to death Wugeng and Guanshu, and banished Caishu. He put Qi of Wei in place as successor to the Yin, with his state at Song. He gathered up many of the remaining people of the Yin, and with them enfeoffed King Wu's youngest brother Feng as Kangshu of Wei. Tangshu of Jin obtained an auspicious grain and presented it to King Cheng, and King Cheng sent it on to the Duke of Zhou where the army was. The Duke of Zhou received the grain in the eastern lands and made known the Son of Heaven's command. At first, when Guan and Cai revolted from the Zhou, the Duke of Zhou punished them, and in three years all was settled; so first he composed the Great Proclamation, next the Charge to Qi of Wei, next the Presenting of the Grain, next the Auspicious Grain, next the Proclamation to Kang, the Proclamation on Drink and the Timber Materials; these matters are in the chapter on the Duke of Zhou. The Duke of Zhou carried on the government seven years, and when King Cheng had grown up he returned the government to King Cheng and faced north to take his place among the ministers.

King Cheng being at Feng, he sent the Duke of Shao to lay out the city of Luo again, in accordance with King Wu's intention. The Duke of Zhou divined again and inspected it, and finally built it, and the nine tripods were placed there. He said, "This is the centre of the world; from the four quarters the roads for bringing tribute are equal." He composed the Proclamation of Shao and the Proclamation at Luo. When King Cheng had removed the remaining people of the Yin, the Duke of Zhou announced it in the king's name, and composed the Many Officers and Against Idleness. The Duke of Shao was Protector and the Duke of Zhou Preceptor; they attacked the Huai Yi in the east, destroyed Yan and removed its ruler to Bogu. King Cheng returned from Yan and, being at the Ancestral Zhou, composed the Many Regions. Having put an end to the mandate of the Yin and struck at the Huai Yi, he returned to Feng and composed the Offices of Zhou. He raised up and corrected the rites and music, and the measures and institutions were thereupon changed; and the people were harmonious and in accord, and the sound of hymns arose. When King Cheng had attacked the Eastern Yi, Xishen came to offer congratulations, and the king charged Rongbo to compose the Charge on the Gifts to Xishen.

When King Cheng was about to die, fearing that the heir apparent Zhao would not be equal to it, he charged the Duke of Shao and the Duke of Bi to lead the lords in assisting the heir apparent and setting him up. When King Cheng had died, the two dukes led the lords and presented the heir apparent Zhao in the temple of the former kings, and told him at length how King Wen and King Wu had not found the royal work easy, that his duty lay in thrift and restraint and in having few desires, and that he should approach it with earnest good faith; and they composed the Testamentary Charge. The heir apparent Zhao was then set up; this is King Kang. When King Kang came to the throne he announced it to all the lords, proclaiming to them the work of Wen and Wu, and composed the Proclamation of Kang. Therefore in the time of Cheng and Kang the world was at peace and quiet, and punishments were set aside and not used for more than forty years. King Kang ordered a charge to be written for the Duke of Bi on dividing the wards of the people and on the suburbs of Chengzhou, and composed the Charge to Bi.

King Kang died and his son King Zhao, Xia, was set up. In the time of King Zhao the royal way became faint and flawed. King Zhao made a tour of inspection to the south and did not return, dying on the Jiang. His death was not announced, being concealed. King Zhao's son Man was set up; this is King Mu. When King Mu came to the throne he was already fifty years of age. The royal way declined, and King Mu, grieving that the way of Wen and Wu was flawed, charged Bo[□] to admonish the Grand Coachman on the government of the state, and composed the Charge to [□]. And there was quiet again.

King Mu was about to attack the Quanrong, and Mou Fu, the Duke of Ji, remonstrated: "It cannot be done. The former kings made virtue shine and did not display their arms. Arms are kept stored and are moved in season; moved, they inspire awe; displayed, they become a plaything, and being played with they cause no dread. Therefore the Hymn of the Duke of Zhou says: 'He stores away shield and dagger-axe, he puts bow and arrow in their case; I seek excellent virtue and spread it through this Xia; truly the king will preserve it.' The former kings, in regard to the people, made their virtue upright and their natures generous, made their goods and wants abundant and their tools and implements useful, made clear where benefit and harm lay, and refined them with culture, so that they strove for benefit and avoided harm, cherished virtue and dreaded awe; and so they could preserve their lines and grow ever greater. Of old our former kings were for generations Lords Millet, and so served Yu and Xia. When the Xia declined and the office of Millet was abolished and not attended to, our former king Buzhu thereby lost his office and took refuge among the Rong and Di. He did not dare to be slack in his calling; in season he set forth its virtue, followed and carried on its heritage, and cultivated its instructions and statutes; morning and evening he was careful and diligent, kept to it with earnest sincerity and upheld it with loyalty and good faith. Generation after generation carried on that virtue and did not disgrace their forebears. Down to King Wen and King Wu, they made bright the light of their forerunners and added to it kindness and harmony; they served the spirits and protected the people, and there were none who were not glad. Xin, king of Shang, was greatly hated by the people, and the common people could not bear it and supported King Wu, and so battle was brought to the fields of Shang. Therefore the former kings did not attend to arms, but were diligent in pitying the people's sufferings and removing what harmed them. Now the institution of the former kings was: within the royal domain, the Royal Service; outside the domain, the Lords' Service; the marches of the lords, the Guest Service; the Yi and Man, the Bound Service; the Rong and Di, the Wild Service. Those of the Royal Service serve at the daily sacrifice; those of the Lords' Service at the monthly sacrifice; those of the Guest Service at the seasonal offerings; those of the Bound Service bring the yearly tribute; those of the Wild Service come to court once in a reign. There is the daily sacrifice, the monthly sacrifice, the seasonal offering, the yearly tribute, and the once-in-a-reign court visit. In the ordered sacrifices of the former kings, if any failed in the daily sacrifice, they cultivated their intent; if any failed in the monthly sacrifice, they cultivated their words; if any failed in the seasonal offering, they cultivated their forms; if any failed in the yearly tribute, they cultivated their titles; if any failed in the court visit, they cultivated their virtue; and if, this order being complete, any still did not come, then they cultivated punishment. Hence there was punishment for failing the daily sacrifice, attack for failing the monthly sacrifice, chastisement for failing the seasonal offering, reproach for failing the yearly tribute, and proclamation for failing the court visit. Hence there were the statutes of punishment, the arms for attacking, the preparations for chastising, the command of awe-inspiring reproach, and the words of written proclamation. If commands were issued and words set forth and still they did not come, then they cultivated virtue further and did not weary the people at a distance. Thus among those near there were none who did not listen, and among those far off none who did not submit. Now since the deaths of Dabi and Boshi, the Quanrong have come to court in their proper duty, and Your Majesty says, 'I will surely chastise them for failing the seasonal offering, and moreover display my arms to them' — is this not to abolish the instruction of the former kings, and will the royal estate not be brought near to ruin? I have heard that the Quanrong are firmly established, that they follow their old virtue and keep to it throughout, pure and steadfast; they have the means to withstand us." The king went and attacked them all the same, and got four white wolves and four white deer and came back. From this time those of the Wild Service did not come.

Some of the lords were not at peace with one another, and the Marquis of Fu spoke to the king, and they composed the amended statutes of punishment. The king said: "Ah, come! You who hold states and lands, I announce to you the auspicious use of punishments. In now giving peace to the hundred clans, what is to be chosen but the right men, what is to be reverenced but the right punishments, what is to be considered but what is fitting? When the two parties are both present, the judges hear the five pleas. If the five pleas are examined and found true, decide by the five punishments. If the five punishments do not apply, decide by the five redemptions. If the five redemptions are not accepted, decide by the five errors. The faults of the five errors are: the influence of office, of private grudge, of inner connections, of bribery, of solicitation — examine and verify the offence, and let the fault be shared equally. Where there is doubt in the five punishments there is pardon, and where there is doubt in the five redemptions there is pardon; examine and be able to determine it. Let the examination be verified by the many and the interrogation have evidence. Where there is no examination there is no doubt; together stand in awe of heaven's majesty. Where the branding punishment is in doubt and pardoned, the fine is a hundred measures; examine and verify the offence. Where the nose-cutting punishment is in doubt and pardoned, the fine is double; examine and verify the offence. Where the knee-cap punishment is in doubt and pardoned, the fine is double and more; examine and verify the offence. Where the castration punishment is in doubt and pardoned, the fine is five hundred measures; examine and verify the offence. Where the death penalty is in doubt and pardoned, the fine is a thousand measures; examine and verify the offence. The cases under the branding fine are a thousand; under the nose-cutting fine a thousand; under the knee-cap fine five hundred; under the castration fine three hundred; under the death penalty fine two hundred: the cases under the five punishments are three thousand." It was named the Punishments of Fu.

King Mu was on the throne fifty-five years and died, and his son King Gong, Yihu, was set up. King Gong was roaming on the Jing, and Duke Kang of Mi was with him; three women fled to Kang. His mother said: "You must give them to the king. Of beasts, three make a herd; of men, three make a multitude; of women, three make a bevy. The king in hunting does not take the whole herd; a duke in his progress does not condescend to the multitude; the king's harem does not take three from one clan. A bevy is a thing of beauty. If the multitude turn over things of beauty to you, what virtue have you to bear it? Even a king could not bear it, how much less a little wretch like you! A little wretch who holds such things must in the end be destroyed." Duke Kang did not present them, and within a year King Gong destroyed Mi. King Gong died and his son King Yi, Jian, was set up. In the time of King Yi the royal house thereupon declined, and the poets made satires.

King Yi died, and King Gong's younger brother Pifang was set up; this is King Xiao. King Xiao died, and the lords again set up King Yi's heir apparent Xie; this is King Yi.

King Yi died and his son King Li, Hu, was set up. When King Li had been on the throne thirty years, he was fond of profit and drew close to the Duke of Rong Yi. The great officer Rui Liangfu remonstrated with King Li: "Is the royal house about to sink low? The Duke of Rong is fond of monopolising profit and does not know the great calamity. Profit is what the hundred things produce, what heaven and earth bear up; and to monopolise it brings much harm. Heaven and earth and the hundred things are for all to take from — how can they be monopolised? The anger roused is very great, and he makes no provision against the great calamity. Teaching the king in this way, can the king last long? One who is king over men should lead profit and spread it among high and low, causing spirits and men and the hundred things all to have their full; and still he is anxious day by day, fearing lest resentment come. So the Hymns say, 'Thoughtful was Houji; he could be the counterpart of heaven; he established us, the multitude of people, and none was not in accord with your standard.' The Greater Odes say, 'He spread out bounty and so bore up the Zhou.' Is this not spreading profit and fearing calamity? and so he could bear up the Zhou down to this day. Now the king is learning to monopolise profit — can this be? If a common man monopolises profit he is still called a thief; and if a king does it, few will turn to him. If the Duke of Rong is employed, the Zhou must fail." King Li did not listen, and in the end made the Duke of Rong a high minister with charge of affairs.

The king was cruel and tyrannical, extravagant and arrogant, and the men of the capital spoke ill of him. The Duke of Shao remonstrated: "The people cannot bear your commands." The king was angry, and got a shaman of Wei and set him to watch those who spoke ill of him, and when they were reported he had them killed. Those who spoke ill of him grew few, and the lords did not come to court. In the thirty-fourth year the king grew stricter, and none of the men of the capital dared speak; on the roads they looked at one another with their eyes. King Li was pleased and told the Duke of Shao, "I have been able to stop the slander; they dare not speak." The Duke of Shao said: "This is damming them up. To block the mouths of the people is worse than blocking a river. When a river is dammed and bursts, those it injures are sure to be many; and the people are like this. Therefore he who manages water opens channels to lead it, and he who governs the people gives them vent so that they may speak. Hence when the Son of Heaven attends to government, he makes the dukes and ministers down to the ranked officers present poems, the blind music masters present tunes, the scribes present writings, the preceptors present admonitions, the sightless recite, the dim-sighted chant, the hundred craftsmen remonstrate, the common people pass on their words, the close servants give their counsel in full, the kindred supply and examine what is lacking, the blind musicians and scribes give instruction, and the elders put it in order; and after that the king weighs it, and so affairs go forward and are not contrary. The people's having mouths is like the earth's having hills and rivers, whence goods and wealth come forth; it is like its having plains and low grounds, level and fertile, whence clothing and food arise. The uttering of speech from mouths is how good and bad are brought forth. To practise the good and provide against the bad is the way to produce goods, wealth, clothing and food. When the people ponder in their hearts and utter it with their mouths, they mature it and act on it. If you dam up their mouths, how many will side with you?" The king did not listen. Thereupon none in the capital dared to speak out; and after three years they joined together in rebellion and attacked King Li. King Li fled to Zhi.

King Li's heir apparent Jing was hidden in the Duke of Shao's house, and when the men of the capital heard of it they surrounded it. The Duke of Shao said: "Formerly I remonstrated with the king again and again and the king would not follow me, and so we have come to this disaster. If now I kill the king's heir apparent, will the king think I bore him enmity and acted in anger? One who serves a ruler, though in peril, does not bear enmity and resentment; though aggrieved, does not act in anger — how much more one who serves a king!" So he put his own son in place of the king's heir apparent, and the heir apparent in the end got away.

The Duke of Shao and the Duke of Zhou, the two ministers, carried on the government, and it was styled Gonghe, the Joint Harmony. In the fourteenth year of Gonghe, King Li died at Zhi. The heir apparent Jing had grown up in the Duke of Shao's house, and the two ministers then together set him up as king; this is King Xuan. When King Xuan came to the throne, the two ministers assisted him, and he put the government in order and took as his model the traditions left by Wen, Wu, Cheng and Kang, and the lords again honoured the Zhou as their ancestral house. In the twelfth year Duke Wu of Lu came to court.

King Xuan did not perform the ploughing of the thousand acres. Duke Wen of Guo remonstrated that it should not be so, and the king did not listen. In the thirty-ninth year there was a battle at Qianmu, and the royal army was utterly defeated by the Rong of the Jiang clan.

King Xuan having lost the army of the southern states, he took a census of the people at Taiyuan. Zhongshan Fu remonstrated: "The people may not be numbered." King Xuan did not listen, and in the end numbered the people.

In the forty-sixth year King Xuan died and his son King You, Gongsheng, was set up. In the second year of King You there were earthquakes on all three rivers of the Western Zhou. Boyang Fu said: "The Zhou is about to perish. The breath of heaven and earth does not lose its order; if it goes beyond its order, it is because the people have thrown it into disorder. When the yang is hidden and cannot come out, and the yin is pressed and cannot rise, then there are earthquakes. Now the three rivers have indeed quaked, which is the yang losing its place and being pressed down by the yin. The yang being lost and lying beneath the yin, the springs must be blocked; and the springs being blocked, the state must perish. For water and earth must be moistened if the people are to make use of them. If the earth is nowhere moistened, the people will lack goods and use; what awaits us but ruin? Of old, when the Yi and the Luo dried up, the Xia perished; when the He dried up, the Shang perished. Now the virtue of the Zhou is as in the last years of those two dynasties, and its rivers and springs are blocked besides; being blocked, they must dry up. A state must depend on its hills and rivers; when the hills fall and the rivers dry up, it is the sign of a perishing state. When rivers dry up, the hills must fall. If the state perishes, it will not be more than ten years; ten being the cycle of the numbers. What heaven casts away does not outlast its cycle." In that year the three rivers dried up and Mount Qi fell.

In the third year King You doted on Bao Si. Bao Si bore a son, Bofu, and King You wished to depose the heir apparent. The heir apparent's mother was a daughter of the Marquis of Shen and was queen. Afterwards, when King You got Bao Si and loved her, he wished to depose Queen Shen and also to be rid of the heir apparent Yijiu, and to make Bao Si queen and Bofu heir apparent. The Grand Scribe of Zhou, Boyang, read the historical records and said, "The Zhou is lost." Formerly, when the house of Xiahou was in decline, two divine dragons stopped in the courtyard of the Xia emperor and said, "We are the two rulers of Bao." The Xia emperor divined whether to kill them, to drive them off, or to keep them, and none was auspicious. He divined about asking for their foam and storing it, and this was auspicious. Thereupon he set out offerings of silk and made announcement to them on tablets; the dragons vanished and the foam remained, and he put it in a casket and got rid of it. When the Xia perished, this vessel was handed on to the Yin. When the Yin perished, it was handed on again to the Zhou. Through these three dynasties none dared open it; but at the end of King Li's reign it was opened and looked at. The foam flowed in the court and could not be got rid of. King Li made women strip naked and shout at it. The foam changed into a dark lizard and went into the king's rear palace. A young serving maid of the rear palace who had just lost her milk teeth met it, and when she had come of age she conceived, and being without a husband she bore a child; in fear she cast it away. In King Xuan's time young girls sang a rhyme: "Mountain-mulberry bows and quivers of straw shall be the ruin of the state of Zhou." Thereupon King Xuan heard of it, and there was a husband and wife selling these articles, and King Xuan had them seized and put to death. They fled along the road, and saw the uncanny child that the serving maid of the rear palace had cast out lying on the way; hearing it crying in the night, they pitied it and took it up, and the husband and wife then fled and ran to Bao. A man of Bao having committed an offence, he asked to present to the king the girl that the serving maid had cast away, in order to redeem his offence. The cast-off girl came out of Bao, and this is Bao Si. In the third year of King You the king saw her in the rear palace and loved her, and she bore the son Bofu; and in the end he deposed Queen Shen and the heir apparent, and made Bao Si queen and Bofu heir apparent. The Grand Scribe Boyang said, "The calamity is complete; there is nothing to be done!"

Bao Si did not like to laugh, and King You tried in a thousand ways to make her laugh, and still she did not laugh. King You had beacon fires and great drums, and when raiders came the beacons were lit. The lords all came, and coming found no raiders; and Bao Si then laughed aloud. King You was delighted with this and lit the beacons a number of times. Afterwards he was not believed, and the lords more and more did not come.

King You made Shifu of Guo a high minister with charge of affairs, and the men of the capital all resented it. Shifu as a man was crafty, good at flattery and fond of gain, and the king employed him. He had also deposed Queen Shen and got rid of the heir apparent. The Marquis of Shen was angry, and with Zeng and the Quanrong of the western Yi attacked King You. King You lit the beacons to summon troops, and no troops came. So they killed King You below Mount Li, took Bao Si captive, took all the treasure of the Zhou and went away. Thereupon the lords went to the Marquis of Shen and together set up the former heir apparent of King You, Yijiu; this is King Ping, who was to maintain the sacrifices of the Zhou.

King Ping was set up and moved east to the city of Luo, to avoid the raids of the Rong. In King Ping's time the house of Zhou declined and grew weak; among the lords the strong annexed the weak, and Qi, Chu, Qin and Jin began to be great, and the government proceeded from the leading princes.

In the forty-ninth year Duke Yin of Lu came to the throne.

In the fifty-first year King Ping died. The heir apparent Xiefu had died early, and his son Lin was set up; this is King Huan. King Huan was King Ping's grandson.

In the third year of King Huan, Duke Zhuang of Zheng came to court, and King Huan did not treat him with courtesy. In the fifth year Zheng was resentful and exchanged the fields of Xu with Lu. The fields of Xu were the fields the Son of Heaven used for his services at Mount Tai. In the eighth year Lu killed Duke Yin and set up Duke Huan. In the thirteenth year he attacked Zheng, and a man of Zheng shot and wounded King Huan, and King Huan withdrew and went home.

In the twenty-third year King Huan died and his son King Zhuang, Tuo, was set up. In the fourth year of King Zhuang, Heijian, the Duke of Zhou, wished to kill King Zhuang and set up the prince Ke. Xinbo told the king, and the king killed the Duke of Zhou. The prince Ke fled to Yan.

In the fifteenth year King Zhuang died and his son King Li, Huqi, was set up. In the third year of King Li, Duke Huan of Qi first became hegemon.

In the fifth year King Li died and his son King Hui, Lang, was set up. The second year of King Hui. Formerly, King Zhuang had a favoured concubine Yao who bore a son Tui, and Tui was favoured. When King Hui came to the throne he seized the garden of one of his great ministers to make a park, and so the great officer Bianbo and four others made rebellion and plotted to call in the troops of Yan and Wei to attack King Hui. King Hui fled to Wen, and afterwards dwelt at Li in Zheng. They set up King Li's younger brother Tui as king. There was music and dancing of every kind, and the rulers of Zheng and Guo were angry. In the fourth year Zheng and the ruler of Guo attacked and killed the king Tui, and brought King Hui back in. In the tenth year of King Hui he granted Duke Huan of Qi the title of hegemon.

In the twenty-fifth year King Hui died and his son King Xiang, Zheng, was set up. King Xiang's mother had died early, and his stepmother was called Queen Hui. Queen Hui bore Shudai, who was favoured by King Hui, and King Xiang feared him. In the third year Shudai plotted with the Rong and Di to attack King Xiang, and King Xiang wished to put Shudai to death, and Shudai fled to Qi. Duke Huan of Qi sent Guan Zhong to make peace with the Rong on behalf of the Zhou, and sent Xi Peng to make peace with the Rong on behalf of Jin. The king treated Guan Zhong with the ceremony due a high minister. Guan Zhong declined, saying: "Your servant is a lowly functionary. There are the Son of Heaven's two guardians, Guo and Gao. If they came in the seasons of spring and autumn to receive the royal commands, what ceremony would you use for them? Your servant's servant dares to decline." The king said: "Uncle, I commend your merit; do not go against my command." Guan Zhong in the end accepted the ceremony due a lower minister and returned. In the ninth year Duke Huan of Qi died. In the twelfth year Shudai returned to the Zhou.

In the thirteenth year Zheng attacked Hua, and the king sent Yousun and Bofu to intercede for Hua, and the men of Zheng imprisoned them. Duke Wen of Zheng resented that when King Hui was restored he had not given Duke Li a ceremonial goblet, and also resented King Xiang's siding with Wei and Hua, and therefore imprisoned Bofu. The king was angry and was about to attack Zheng with the Di. Fu Chen remonstrated: "In all our Zhou's move to the east, it was on Jin and Zheng that we relied. In the disorder of Zitui it was Zheng again who settled it; and now for a small grudge you would cast them off!" The king did not listen. In the fifteenth year the king brought down the Di host to attack Zheng. The king was grateful to the Di and was about to make their daughter his queen. Fu Chen remonstrated: "Ping, Huan, Zhuang and Hui all received Zheng's services; you cast off your kin and draw close to the Di — it cannot be followed." The king did not listen. In the sixteenth year the king demoted the Di queen, and the Di came to punish him and killed Tanbo. Fu Chen said, "I remonstrated repeatedly and was not followed. If I do not go out to this, will the king think I bore him a grudge?" So with his followers he died in it.

Formerly Queen Hui had wished to set up the prince Dai, and so with her faction she opened the way to the Di, and the Di thereupon entered the Zhou. King Xiang fled to Zheng, and Zheng lodged the king at Fan. Zidai was set up as king, and took the Di queen whom King Xiang had demoted and dwelt with her at Wen. In the seventeenth year King Xiang appealed urgently to Jin, and Duke Wen of Jin brought the king back and put Shudai to death. King Xiang then bestowed on Duke Wen of Jin the jade tablet, the fragrant wine, and bow and arrows, making him hegemon, and gave the lands of Henei to Jin. In the twentieth year Duke Wen of Jin summoned King Xiang, and King Xiang met him at Heyang and Jiantu, and all the lords came to court; the Documents, avoiding the word, say: "The heavenly king hunted at Heyang."

In the twenty-fourth year Duke Wen of Jin died.

In the thirty-first year Duke Mu of Qin died.

In the thirty-second year King Xiang died and his son King Qing, Renchen, was set up. In the sixth year of King Qing he died, and his son King Kuang, Ban, was set up. In the sixth year of King Kuang he died, and his younger brother Yu was set up; this is King Ding.

In the first year of King Ding, King Zhuang of Chu attacked the Rong of Luhun, halted at Luo, and sent a man to ask about the nine tripods. The king sent Wangsun Man to answer him with a set speech, and the Chu troops then withdrew. In the tenth year King Zhuang of Chu besieged Zheng, and the Earl of Zheng surrendered, and afterwards he restored him. In the sixteenth year King Zhuang of Chu died.

In the twenty-first year King Ding died and his son King Jian, Yi, was set up. In the thirteenth year of King Jian, Jin killed its ruler Duke Li, and welcomed Ziyou from the Zhou and set him up as Duke Dao.

In the fourteenth year King Jian died and his son King Ling, Xiexin, was set up. In the twenty-fourth year of King Ling, Cui Zhu of Qi murdered his ruler Duke Zhuang. In the twenty-seventh year King Ling died and his son King Jing, Gui, was set up. In the eighteenth year of King Jing the queen's heir apparent was sage but died early. In the twentieth year King Jing loved his son Chao and wished to set him up, but he died just then, and the faction of his son Gai contended with Chao for the succession; the men of the capital set up the eldest son Meng as king, and Zichao attacked and killed Meng. Meng became King Dao. The men of Jin attacked Zichao and set up Gai; this is King Jing.

In the first year of King Jing the men of Jin brought King Jing in, but Zichao set himself up and King Jing could not enter, and dwelt at Ze. In the fourth year Jin led the lords and brought King Jing into the Zhou; Zichao became a subject, and the lords walled the Zhou capital. In the sixteenth year Zichao's followers made rebellion again, and King Jing fled to Jin. In the seventeenth year Duke Ding of Jin at last brought King Jing back into the Zhou.

In the thirty-ninth year Tian Chang of Qi killed his ruler Duke Jian.

In the forty-first year Chu destroyed Chen. Confucius died.

In the forty-second year King Jing died and his son King Yuan, Ren, was set up. In the eighth year of King Yuan he died, and his son King Ding, Jie, was set up.

In the sixteenth year of King Ding the three houses of Jin destroyed the Earl of Zhi and divided his lands among them.

In the twenty-eighth year King Ding died, and his eldest son Quji was set up; this is King Ai. King Ai had been set up three months when his younger brother Shu attacked and killed King Ai and set himself up; this is King Si. King Si had been set up five months when his youngest brother Wei attacked and killed King Si and set himself up; this is King Kao. These three kings were all sons of King Ding.

In the fifteenth year King Kao died and his son King Weilie, Wu, was set up.

King Kao enfeoffed his younger brother at Henan; this is Duke Huan, who was to carry on the office of the Duke of Zhou. Duke Huan died and his son Duke Wei succeeded him. Duke Wei died and his son Duke Hui succeeded him, and he enfeoffed his youngest son at Gong to serve the king, styled Duke Hui of the Eastern Zhou.

In the twenty-third year of King Weilie the nine tripods shook. He commanded that Han, Wei and Zhao be made territorial lords.

In the twenty-fourth year he died and his son King An, Jiao, was set up. In that year brigands killed King Sheng of Chu.

King An was on the throne twenty-six years and died, and his son King Lie, Xi, was set up. In the second year of King Lie the Grand Scribe of Zhou, Dan, saw Duke Xian of Qin and said: "At first Zhou and Qin were joined as one state and then separated; after five hundred years apart they will join again, and seventeen years after they join, a hegemon and king will come forth."

In the tenth year King Lie died and his younger brother Bian was set up; this is King Xian. In the fifth year of King Xian he congratulated Duke Xian of Qin, and Duke Xian was styled hegemon. In the ninth year he sent the sacrificial meat of Wen and Wu to Duke Xiao of Qin. In the twenty-fifth year Qin assembled the lords at the Zhou capital. In the twenty-sixth year the Zhou conferred the title of hegemon on Duke Xiao of Qin. In the thirty-third year he congratulated King Hui of Qin. In the thirty-fifth year he sent the sacrificial meat of Wen and Wu to King Hui of Qin. In the forty-fourth year King Hui of Qin took the title of king, and after that the lords all became kings.

In the forty-eighth year King Xian died and his son King Shenjing, Ding, was set up. King Shenjing was on the throne six years and died, and his son King Nan, Yan, was set up. In King Nan's time the Eastern and Western Zhou were governed separately. King Nan moved his capital to the Western Zhou.

Duke Wu of the Western Zhou's heir apparent Gong died, and there were five sons by concubines and no son of the principal line to set up. Sima Jian said to the king of Chu: "You had better supply the prince Jiu with land, and ask that he be made heir apparent." Zuo Cheng said: "It will not do. If the Zhou does not listen, then your wisdom will be confounded and your relations with the Zhou grow distant. It would be better to ask the ruler of Zhou whom he wishes to set up, and quietly tell Jian, and Jian will ask that Chu supply him with land." In the end the prince Jiu was made heir apparent.

In the eighth year Qin attacked Yiyang and Chu came to its relief. And Chu, because of the Zhou's siding with Qin, was about to attack it. Su Dai spoke for the Zhou to the king of Chu, saying: "Why do you take the Zhou to be a calamity on Qin's side? Those who say that the Zhou is more for Qin than for Chu wish to make the Zhou go over to Qin, and so they speak of 'Zhou and Qin.' If the Zhou knows it cannot free itself, it will certainly go over to Qin, and this is the very way for Qin to take the Zhou. For Your Majesty's plan, whether the Zhou is with Qin or not with Qin, speak well of it, in order to estrange it from Qin. If the Zhou breaks with Qin it will certainly come over to Ying."

Qin asked passage between the two Zhou, meaning to attack Han; the Zhou feared that to grant it would be to be dreaded by Han, and not to grant it to be dreaded by Qin. Shi Yan said to the ruler of Zhou: "Why not have someone say to Han Gongshu, 'The reason Qin dares to cut across the Zhou and attack Han is that it trusts the Eastern Zhou. Why do you not give the Zhou land and send a hostage envoy to Chu?' Qin will certainly suspect Chu and not trust the Zhou, and so Han will not be attacked. And say to Qin, 'Han is forcing land on the Zhou in order to make Qin suspect the Zhou, and the Zhou dares not refuse it.' Qin will certainly have no ground to make the Zhou refuse it, and so we shall receive land from Han and yet be obedient to Qin."

Qin summoned the ruler of the Western Zhou, and the ruler of the Western Zhou was loath to go, so he had someone say to the king of Han: "Qin summons the ruler of the Western Zhou, meaning to use him to attack Your Majesty's Nanyang. Why does Your Majesty not send out troops to Nanyang? The ruler of Zhou will then have a pretext to give Qin. If the ruler of Zhou does not go in to Qin, Qin will certainly not dare cross the He and attack Nanyang."

The Eastern Zhou and the Western Zhou went to war, and Han came to the aid of the Western Zhou. Someone spoke for the Eastern Zhou to the king of Han, saying: "The Western Zhou was formerly the state of the Son of Heaven and has many famed vessels and weighty treasures. If Your Majesty holds back your troops and does not send them out, you can put the Eastern Zhou in your debt, and the treasures of the Western Zhou may all be had."

King Nan spoke to the lord of Cheng. Chu besieged Yongshi, and Han levied armour and grain from the Eastern Zhou; the ruler of the Eastern Zhou was afraid and summoned Su Dai and told him of it. Dai said, "Why should you be troubled by this? I can make Han not levy armour and grain from the Zhou, and can also get Gaodu for you." The ruler of Zhou said, "If you can indeed do it, I will put my state at your disposal." Dai saw the chief minister of Han and said: "Chu has besieged Yongshi, reckoning on three months; now in five months they cannot take it, which shows that Chu is in difficulty. Now Your Excellency levies armour and grain from the Zhou, and this is to announce to Chu that you are in difficulty." The chief minister of Han said, "Good. The envoys have already set out." Dai said, "Why not give the Zhou Gaodu?" The chief minister of Han was very angry and said, "That I do not levy armour and grain from the Zhou is much already; why should I give the Zhou Gaodu?" Dai said: "To give the Zhou Gaodu is to make the Zhou turn and come over to Han, and when Qin hears of it it will certainly be greatly enraged at the Zhou and will cut off communication with the Zhou's envoys; that is, by a worn-out Gaodu you gain the whole Zhou. Why not give it?" The chief minister said, "Good," and in the end gave the Zhou Gaodu.

In the thirty-fourth year Su Li said to the ruler of Zhou: "That Qin broke Han and Wei, struck down Shi Wu, and took Lin and Lishi of Zhao in the north — all this was Bai Qi. He is skilled in the use of arms and has heaven's mandate besides. Now again he is to lead troops out of the pass to attack Liang, and if Liang is broken the Zhou is in peril. Why does Your Lordship not send someone to persuade Bai Qi? Let him say: 'In Chu there was Yang Youji, a skilled archer. At a hundred paces from a willow leaf he shot at it, and in a hundred shots hit it a hundred times. Of the several thousand onlookers to left and right, all said he was a skilled archer. One man standing beside him said, "Good; now you may be taught to shoot." Yang Youji was angry, laid down his bow and grasped his sword, and said, "How can you, sir, teach me to shoot?" The man said, "It is not that I can teach you to hold the bow steady with the left and draw with the right. When at a hundred paces from a willow leaf you shoot and hit it a hundred times in a hundred shots, if you do not stop while you are doing well, then presently your breath will fail and your strength tire, your bow will go askew and your arrow bend, and one shot that misses will undo the whole hundred." Now in breaking Han and Wei, striking down Shi Wu, and taking Lin and Lishi of Zhao in the north, your merits are many. Now again you are to lead troops out of the pass, passing the two Zhou, turning your back on Han and attacking Liang; if in this one stroke you do not succeed, all your former merits are thrown away. You had better plead illness and not go out.'"

In the forty-second year Qin broke the compact at Huayang. Ma Fan said to the ruler of Zhou, "Let me have Liang wall the Zhou." Then he said to the king of Liang: "The king of Zhou is ill, and if he dies I, Fan, must die. I beg to bring the nine tripods in to Your Majesty myself, and when Your Majesty has received the nine tripods, plan for me." The king of Liang said, "Good," and gave him troops, saying that they were to garrison the Zhou. Then he said to the king of Qin: "Liang is not garrisoning the Zhou but is going to attack the Zhou. Let Your Majesty try sending troops to the border and observe." Qin did send out troops. Then he said to the king of Liang: "The king of Zhou is gravely ill; let me wait until afterwards and then return it. Now Your Majesty has sent troops to the Zhou, and all the lords have grown suspicious; hereafter in raising affairs you will not be trusted. It would be better to have the troops wall the Zhou for you, and so hide the occasion of the affair." The king of Liang said, "Good," and so had the Zhou walled.

In the forty-fifth year a retainer of the ruler of Zhou in Qin said to the Zhou: "You had better praise the king of Qin's filial piety, and thereupon offer Ying as an estate for the nurture of the Queen Dowager; the king of Qin will certainly be pleased, and thus you will have good relations with Qin. If the relations are good, the ruler of Zhou will certainly count it your merit. If the relations are bad, then those who urged the ruler of Zhou to go in to Qin will certainly be held at fault." Qin attacked the Zhou, and Zhou Zui said to the king of Qin: "For Your Majesty's plan, do not attack the Zhou. To attack the Zhou brings in truth no benefit, and in repute makes the world dread you. The world, dreading Qin in repute, will certainly join eastward with Qi. Your troops will be worn out on the Zhou, and the world will be joined with Qi; then Qin will not be king. The world wishes to wear Qin out, and therefore urges Your Majesty to attack the Zhou. If Qin and the world are worn out together, then your commands will not be carried out."

In the fifty-eighth year the three houses of Jin resisted Qin. The Zhou sent its chief minister to Qin, and because Qin slighted him he turned back on his way. A retainer said to the chief minister: "Whether Qin slights or values you cannot yet be known. Qin wishes to know the state of the three states. You had better see the king of Qin quickly and say, 'Let me listen for Your Majesty to the changes in the east'; the king of Qin will certainly value you. To value you is for Qin to value the Zhou, and thus the Zhou gains Qin; and if Qi values you, there is already Zhou Ju to win over Qi: thus the Zhou will never fail of relations with a weighty state." Qin trusted the Zhou and sent out troops to attack the three houses of Jin.

In the fifty-ninth year Qin took Yangcheng and Fushu from Han. The Western Zhou was afraid, turned against Qin, made a vertical alliance with the lords, and led the picked troops of the world out by Yique to attack Qin, so that Qin should not be able to pass through Yangcheng. King Zhao of Qin was angry and sent the general Jiu to attack the Western Zhou. The ruler of the Western Zhou fled to Qin, bowed his head to the ground and accepted punishment, and offered up all his thirty-six towns and thirty thousand people. Qin accepted his offering and sent the ruler back to the Zhou.

The ruler of Zhou and King Nan died, and the people of Zhou thereupon fled eastward. Qin took the nine tripods and the precious vessels, and removed the Duke of the Western Zhou to Danhu. Seven years later King Zhuangxiang of Qin destroyed the Eastern Zhou. Both the Eastern and Western Zhou passed to Qin, and the Zhou sacrifices ceased.

The Lord Grand Astrologer says: Scholars all say that the Zhou, having attacked Zhou of Shang, dwelt at the city of Luo; but taking it all together it was not so. King Wu laid it out, King Cheng sent the Duke of Shao to divine about dwelling there, and the nine tripods were placed there; but the Zhou again made their capital at Feng and Hao. It was when the Quanrong defeated King You that the Zhou moved east to the city of Luo. As for what is called "the Duke of Zhou was buried at Bi," Bi is in Du, southeast of Hao. Qin destroyed the Zhou. More than ninety years after the rise of the Han, the Son of Heaven was about to perform the feng sacrifice at Mount Tai, and on his eastern tour of inspection came to Henan; he sought out the descendants of the Zhou and enfeoffed their descendant Jia with thirty li of land, styling him the Lord of Zhounan, ranking with the full marquises, that he might maintain the sacrifices of his forebears.

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