卷四十三·赵世家第十三

卷四十三·赵世家第十三

司马迁

赵氏之先，与秦共祖。至中衍，为帝大戊御。其后世蜚廉有子二人，而命其一子曰恶来，事纣，为周所杀，其后为秦。恶来弟曰季胜，其后为赵。

季胜生孟增。孟增幸于周成王，是为宅皋狼。皋狼生衡父，衡父生造父。造父幸于周缪王。造父取骥之乘匹，与桃林盗骊、骅骝、绿耳，献之缪王。缪王使造父御，西巡狩，见西王母，乐之忘归。而徐偃王反，缪王日驰千里马，攻徐偃王，大破之。乃赐造父以赵城，由此为赵氏。

自造父已下六世至奄父，曰公仲，周宣王时伐戎，为御。及千亩战，奄父脱宣王。奄父生叔带。叔带之时，周幽王无道，去周如晋，事晋文侯，始建赵氏于晋国。

自叔带以下，赵宗益兴，五世而至赵夙。

赵夙，晋献公之十六年伐霍、魏、耿，而赵夙为将伐霍。霍公求奔齐。晋大旱，卜之，曰“霍太山为祟”。使赵夙召霍君于齐，复之，以奉霍太山之祀，晋复穰。晋献公赐赵夙耿。

夙生共孟，当鲁闵公之元年也。共孟生赵衰，字子余。

赵衰卜事晋献公及诸公子，莫吉；卜事公子重耳，吉，即事重耳。重耳以骊姬之乱亡奔翟，赵衰从。翟伐廧咎如，得二女，翟以其少女妻重耳，长女妻赵衰而生盾。初，重耳在晋时，赵衰妻亦生赵同、赵括、赵婴齐。赵衰从重耳出亡，凡十九年，得反国。重耳为晋文公，赵衰为原大夫，居原，任国政。文公所以反国及霸，多赵衰计策，语在晋事中。

赵衰既反晋，晋之妻固要迎翟妻，而以其子盾为適嗣，晋妻三子皆下事之。晋襄公之六年，而赵衰卒，谥为成季。

赵盾代成季任国政二年而晋襄公卒，太子夷皋年少。盾为国多难，欲立襄公弟雍。雍时在秦，使使迎之。太子母日夜啼泣，顿首谓赵盾曰：“先君何罪，释其適子而更求君？”赵盾患之，恐其宗与大夫袭诛之，乃遂立太子，是为灵公，发兵距所迎襄公弟于秦者。灵公既立，赵盾益专国政。

灵公立十四年，益骄。赵盾骤谏，灵公弗听。及食熊蹯，胹不熟，杀宰人，持其尸出，赵盾见之。灵公由此惧，欲杀盾。盾素仁爱人，尝所食桑下饿人反扞救盾，盾以得亡。未出境，而赵穿弑灵公而立襄公弟黑臀，是为成公。赵盾复反，任国政。君子讥盾“为正卿，亡不出境，反不讨贼”，故太史书曰“赵盾弑其君”。晋景公时而赵盾卒，谥为宣孟，子朔嗣。

赵朔，晋景公之三年，朔为晋将下军救郑，与楚庄王战河上。朔娶晋成公姊为夫人。

晋景公之三年，大夫屠岸贾欲诛赵氏。初，赵盾在时，梦见叔带持要而哭，甚悲；已而笑，拊手且歌。盾卜之，兆绝而后好。赵史援占之，曰：“此梦甚恶，非君之身，乃君之子，然亦君之咎。至孙，赵将世益衰。”屠岸贾者，始有宠于灵公，及至于景公而贾为司寇，将作难，乃治灵公之贼以致赵盾，遍告诸将曰：“盾虽不知，犹为贼首。以臣弑君，子孙在朝，何以惩罪？请诛之。”韩厥曰：“灵公遇贼，赵盾在外，吾先君以为无罪，故不诛。今诸君将诛其后，是非先君之意而今妄诛。妄诛谓之乱。臣有大事而君不闻，是无君也。”屠岸贾不听。韩厥告赵朔趣亡。朔不肯，曰：“子必不绝赵祀，朔死不恨。”韩厥许诺，称疾不出。贾不请而擅与诸将攻赵氏于下宫，杀赵朔、赵同、赵括、赵婴齐，皆灭其族。

赵朔妻成公姊，有遗腹，走公宫匿。赵朔客曰公孙杵臼，杵臼谓朔友人程婴曰：“胡不死？”程婴曰：“朔之妇有遗腹，若幸而男，吾奉之；即女也，吾徐死耳。”居无何，而朔妇免身，生男。屠岸贾闻之，索于宫中。夫人置儿绔中，祝曰：“赵宗灭乎，若号；即不灭，若无声。”及索，儿竟无声。已脱，程婴谓公孙杵臼曰：“今一索不得，后必且复索之，柰何？”公孙杵臼曰：“立孤与死孰难？”程婴曰：“死易，立孤难耳。”公孙杵臼曰：“赵氏先君遇子厚，子强为其难者，吾为其易者，请先死。”乃二人谋取他人婴儿负之，衣以文葆，匿山中。程婴出，谬谓诸将军曰：“婴不肖，不能立赵孤。谁能与我千金，吾告赵氏孤处。”诸将皆喜，许之，发师随程婴攻公孙杵臼。杵臼谬曰：“小人哉程婴！昔下宫之难不能死，与我谋匿赵氏孤儿，今又卖我。纵不能立，而忍卖之乎！”抱儿呼曰：“天乎天乎！赵氏孤儿何罪？请活之，独杀杵臼可也。”诸将不许，遂杀杵臼与孤儿。诸将以为赵氏孤儿良已死，皆喜。然赵氏真孤乃反在，程婴卒与俱匿山中。

居十五年，晋景公疾，卜之，大业之后不遂者为祟。景公问韩厥，厥知赵孤在，乃曰：“大业之后在晋绝祀者，其赵氏乎？夫自中衍者皆嬴姓也。中衍人面鸟噣，降佐殷帝大戊，及周天子，皆有明德。下及幽厉无道，而叔带去周適晋，事先君文侯，至于成公，世有立功，未尝绝祀。今吾君独灭赵宗，国人哀之，故见龟策。唯君图之。”景公问：“赵尚有后子孙乎？”韩厥具以实告。于是景公乃与韩厥谋立赵孤儿，召而匿之宫中。诸将入问疾，景公因韩厥之众以胁诸将而见赵孤。赵孤名曰武。诸将不得已，乃曰：“昔下宫之难，屠岸贾为之，矫以君命，并命群臣。非然，孰敢作难！微君之疾，群臣固且请立赵后。今君有命，群臣之愿也。”于是召赵武、程婴遍拜诸将，遂反与程婴、赵武攻屠岸贾，灭其族。复与赵武田邑如故。

及赵武冠，为成人，程婴乃辞诸大夫，谓赵武曰：“昔下宫之难，皆能死。我非不能死，我思立赵氏之后。今赵武既立，为成人，复故位，我将下报赵宣孟与公孙杵臼。”赵武啼泣顿首固请，曰：“武愿苦筋骨以报子至死，而子忍去我死乎！”程婴曰：“不可。彼以我为能成事，故先我死；今我不报，是以我事为不成。”遂自杀。赵武服齐衰三年，为之祭邑，春秋祠之，世世勿绝。

赵氏复位十一年，而晋厉公杀其大夫三郤。栾书畏及，乃遂弑其君厉公，更立襄公曾孙周，是为悼公。晋由此大夫稍强。

赵武续赵宗二十七年，晋平公立。平公十二年，而赵武为正卿。十三年，吴延陵季子使于晋，曰：“晋国之政卒归于赵武子、韩宣子、魏献子之后矣。”赵武死，谥为文子。

文子生景叔。景叔之时，齐景公使晏婴于晋，晏婴与晋叔向语。婴曰：“齐之政后卒归田氏。”叔向亦曰：“晋国之政将归六卿。六卿侈矣，而吾君不能恤也。”

赵景叔卒，生赵鞅，是为简子。

赵简子在位，晋顷公之九年，简子将合诸侯戍于周。其明年，入周敬王于周，辟弟子朝之故也。

晋顷公之十二年，六卿以法诛公族祁氏、羊舌氏，分其邑为十县，六卿各令其族为之大夫。晋公室由此益弱。

后十三年，鲁贼臣阳虎来奔，赵简子受赂，厚遇之。

赵简子疾，五日不知人，大夫皆惧。医扁鹊视之，出，董安于问。扁鹊曰：“血脉治也，而何怪！在昔秦缪公尝如此，七日而寤。寤之日，告公孙支与子舆曰：‘我之帝所甚乐。吾所以久者，適有学也。帝告我：“晋国将大乱，五世不安；其后将霸，未老而死；霸者之子且令而国男女无别。”’公孙支书而藏之，秦谶于是出矣。献公之乱，文公之霸，而襄公败秦师于殽而归纵淫，此子之所闻。今主君之疾与之同，不出三日疾必间，间必有言也。”

居二日半，简子寤。语大夫曰：“我之帝所甚乐，与百神游于钧天，广乐九奏万舞，不类三代之乐，其声动人心。有一熊欲来援我，帝命我射之，中熊，熊死。又有一罴来，我又射之，中罴，罴死。帝甚喜，赐我二笥，皆有副。吾见儿在帝侧，帝属我一翟犬，曰：‘及而子之壮也，以赐之。’帝告我：‘晋国且世衰，七世而亡，嬴姓将大败周人于范魁之西，而亦不能有也。今余思虞舜之勋，適余将以其胄女孟姚配而七世之孙。’”董安于受言而书藏之。以扁鹊言告简子，简子赐扁鹊田四万亩。

他日，简子出，有人当道，辟之不去，从者怒，将刃之。当道者曰：“吾欲有谒于主君。”从者以闻。简子召之，曰：“譆，吾有所见子晣也。”当道者曰：“屏左右，愿有谒。”简子屏人。当道者曰：“主君之疾，臣在帝侧。”简子曰：“然，有之。子之见我，我何为？”当道者曰：“帝令主君射熊与罴，皆死。”简子曰：“是，且何也？”当道者曰：“晋国且有大难，主君首之。帝令主君灭二卿，夫熊与罴皆其祖也。”简子曰：“帝赐我二笥皆有副，何也？”当道者曰：“主君之子将克二国于翟，皆子姓也。”简子曰：“吾见儿在帝侧，帝属我一翟犬，曰‘及而子之长以赐之’。夫儿何谓以赐翟犬？”当道者曰：“儿，主君之子也。翟犬者，代之先也。主君之子且必有代。及主君之后嗣，且有革政而胡服，并二国于翟。”简子问其姓而延之以官。当道者曰：“臣野人，致帝命耳。”遂不见。简子书藏之府。

异日，姑布子卿见简子，简子遍召诸子相之。子卿曰：“无为将军者。”简子曰：“赵氏其灭乎？”子卿曰：“吾尝见一子于路，殆君之子也。”简子召子毋卹。毋卹至，则子卿起曰：“此真将军矣！”简子曰：“此其母贱，翟婢也，奚道贵哉？”子卿曰：“天所授，虽贱必贵。”自是之后，简子尽召诸子与语，毋卹最贤。简子乃告诸子曰：“吾藏宝符于常山上，先得者赏。”诸子驰之常山上，求，无所得。毋卹还，曰：“已得符矣。”简子曰：“奏之。”毋卹曰：“从常山上临代，代可取也。”简子于是知毋卹果贤，乃废太子伯鲁，而以毋卹为太子。

后二年，晋定公之十四年，范、中行作乱。明年春，简子谓邯郸大夫午曰：“归我卫士五百家，吾将置之晋阳。”午许诺，归而其父兄不听，倍言。赵鞅捕午，囚之晋阳。乃告邯郸人曰：“我私有诛午也，诸君欲谁立？”遂杀午。赵稷、涉宾以邯郸反。晋君使籍秦围邯郸。荀寅、范吉射与午善，不肯助秦而谋作乱，董安于知之。十月，范、中行氏伐赵鞅，鞅奔晋阳，晋人围之。范吉射、荀寅仇人魏襄等谋逐荀寅，以梁婴父代之；逐吉射，以范皋绎代之。荀栎言于晋侯曰：“君命大臣，始乱者死。今三臣始乱而独逐鞅，用刑不均，请皆逐之。”十一月，荀栎、韩不佞、魏哆奉公命以伐范、中行氏，不克。范、中行氏反伐公，公击之，范、中行败走。丁未，二子奔朝歌。韩、魏以赵氏为请。十二月辛未，赵鞅入绛，盟于公宫。其明年，知伯文子谓赵鞅曰：“范、中行虽信为乱，安于发之，是安于与谋也。晋国有法，始乱者死。夫二子已伏罪而安于独在。”赵鞅患之。安于曰：“臣死，赵氏定，晋国宁，吾死晚矣。”遂自杀。赵氏以告知伯，然后赵氏宁。

孔子闻赵简子不请晋君而执邯郸午，保晋阳，故书春秋曰“赵鞅以晋阳畔”。

赵简子有臣曰周舍，好直谏。周舍死，简子每听朝，常不悦，大夫请罪。简子曰：“大夫无罪。吾闻千羊之皮不如一狐之腋。诸大夫朝，徒闻唯唯，不闻周舍之鄂鄂，是以忧也。”简子由此能附赵邑而怀晋人。

晋定公十八年，赵简子围范、中行于朝歌，中行文子奔邯郸。明年，卫灵公卒。简子与阳虎送卫太子蒯聩于卫，卫不内，居戚。

晋定公二十一年，简子拔邯郸，中行文子奔柏人。简子又围柏人，中行文子、范昭子遂奔齐。赵竟有邯郸、柏人。范、中行余邑入于晋。赵名晋卿，实专晋权，奉邑侔于诸侯。

晋定公三十年，定公与吴王夫差争长于黄池，赵简子从晋定公，卒长吴。定公三十七年卒，而简子除三年之丧，期而已。是岁，越王句践灭吴。

晋出公十一年，知伯伐郑。赵简子疾，使太子毋卹将而围郑。知伯醉，以酒灌击毋卹。毋卹群臣请死之。毋卹曰：“君所以置毋卹，为能忍訽。”然亦愠知伯。知伯归，因谓简子，使废毋卹，简子不听。毋卹由此怨知伯。

晋出公十七年，简子卒，太子毋卹代立，是为襄子。

赵襄子元年，越围吴。襄子降丧食，使楚隆问吴王。

襄子姊前为代王夫人。简子既葬，未除服，北登夏屋，请代王。使厨人操铜枓以食代王及从者，行斟，阴令宰人各以枓击杀代王及从官，遂兴兵平代地。其姊闻之，泣而呼天，摩笄自杀。代人怜之，所死地名之为摩笄之山。遂以代封伯鲁子周为代成君。伯鲁者，襄子兄，故太子。太子蚤死，故封其子。

襄子立四年，知伯与赵、韩、魏尽分其范、中行故地。晋出公怒，告齐、鲁，欲以伐四卿。四卿恐，遂共攻出公。出公奔齐，道死。知伯乃立昭公曾孙骄，是为晋懿公。知伯益骄。请地韩、魏，韩、魏与之。请地赵，赵不与，以其围郑之辱。知伯怒，遂率韩、魏攻赵。赵襄子惧，乃奔保晋阳。

原过从，后，至于王泽，见三人，自带以上可见，自带以下不可见。与原过竹二节，莫通。曰：“为我以是遗赵毋卹。”原过既至，以告襄子。襄子齐三日，亲自剖竹，有朱书曰：“赵毋卹，余霍泰山山阳侯天使也。三月丙戌，余将使女反灭知氏。女亦立我百邑，余将赐女林胡之地。至于后世，且有伉王，赤黑，龙面而鸟噣，鬓麋髭<冉页>，大膺大胸，脩下而冯，左衽界乘，奄有河宗，至于休溷诸貉，南伐晋别，北灭黑姑。”襄子再拜，受三神之令。

三国攻晋阳，岁余，引汾水灌其城，城不浸者三版。城中悬釜而炊，易子而食。群臣皆有外心，礼益慢，唯高共不敢失礼。襄子惧，乃夜使相张孟同私于韩、魏。韩、魏与合谋，以三月丙戌，三国反灭知氏，共分其地。于是襄子行赏，高共为上。张孟同曰：“晋阳之难，唯共无功。”襄子曰：“方晋阳急，群臣皆懈，惟共不敢失人臣礼，是以先之。”于是赵北有代，南并知氏，强于韩、魏。遂祠三神于百邑，使原过主霍泰山祠祀。

其后娶空同氏，生五子。襄子为伯鲁之不立也，不肯立子，且必欲传位与伯鲁子代成君。成君先死，乃取代成君子浣立为太子。襄子立三十三年卒，浣立，是为献侯。

献侯少即位，治中牟。

襄子弟桓子逐献侯，自立于代，一年卒。国人曰桓子立非襄子意，乃共杀其子而复迎立献侯。

十年，中山武公初立。十三年，城平邑。十五年，献侯卒，子烈侯籍立。

烈侯元年，魏文侯伐中山，使太子击守之。六年，魏、韩、赵皆相立为诸侯，追尊献子为献侯。

烈侯好音，谓相国公仲连曰：“寡人有爱，可以贵之乎？”公仲曰：“富之可，贵之则否。”烈侯曰：“然。夫郑歌者枪、石二人，吾赐之田，人万亩。”公仲曰：“诺。”不与。居一月，烈侯从代来，问歌者田。公仲曰：“求，未有可者。”有顷，烈侯复问。公仲终不与，乃称疾不朝。番吾君自代来，谓公仲曰：“君实好善，而未知所持。今公仲相赵，于今四年，亦有进士乎？”公仲曰：“未也。”番吾君曰：“牛畜、荀欣、徐越皆可。”公仲乃进三人。及朝，烈侯复问：“歌者田何如？”公仲曰：“方使择其善者。”牛畜侍烈侯以仁义，约以王道，烈侯逌然。明日，荀欣侍，以选练举贤，任官使能。明日，徐越侍以节财俭用，察度功德。所与无不充，君说。烈侯使使谓相国曰：“歌者之田且止。”官牛畜为师，荀欣为中尉，徐越为内史，赐相国衣二袭。

九年，烈侯卒，弟武公立。武公十三年卒，赵复立烈侯太子章，是为敬侯。是岁，魏文侯卒。

敬侯元年，武公子朝作乱，不克，出奔魏。赵始都邯郸。

二年，败齐于灵丘。三年，救魏于廪丘，大败齐人。四年，魏败我兔台。筑刚平以侵卫。五年，齐、魏为卫攻赵，取我刚平。六年，借兵于楚伐魏，取棘蒲。八年，拔魏黄城。九年，伐齐。齐伐燕，赵救燕。十年，与中山战于房子。

十一年，魏、韩、赵共灭晋，分其地。伐中山，又战于中人。十二年，敬侯卒，子成侯种立。

成侯元年，公子胜与成侯争立，为乱。二年六月，雨雪。三年，太戊午为相。伐卫，取乡邑七十三。魏败我蔺。四年，与秦战高安，败之。五年，伐齐于鄄。魏败我怀。攻郑，败之，以与韩，韩与我长子。六年，中山筑长城。伐魏，败湪泽，围魏惠王。七年，侵齐，至长城。与韩攻周。八年，与韩分周以为两。九年，与齐战阿下。十年，攻卫，取甄。十一年，秦攻魏，赵救之石阿。十二年，秦攻魏少梁，赵救之。十三年，秦献公使庶长国伐魏少梁，虏其太子、痤。魏败我浍，取皮牢。成侯与韩昭侯遇上党。十四年，与韩攻秦。十五年，助魏攻齐。

十六年，与韩、魏分晋，封晋君以端氏。

十七年，成侯与魏惠王遇葛孽。十九年，与齐、宋会平陆，与燕会阿。二十年，魏献荣椽，因以为檀台。二十一年，魏围我邯郸。二十二年，魏惠王拔我邯郸，齐亦败魏于桂陵。二十四年，魏归我邯郸，与魏盟漳水上。秦攻我蔺。二十五年，成侯卒。公子緤与太子肃侯争立，緤败，亡奔韩。

肃侯元年，夺晋君端氏，徙处屯留。二年，与魏惠王遇于阴晋。三年，公子范袭邯郸，不胜而死。四年，朝天子。六年，攻齐，拔高唐。七年，公子刻攻魏首垣。十一年，秦孝公使商君伐魏，虏其将公子卬。赵伐魏。十二年，秦孝公卒，商君死。十五年，起寿陵。魏惠王卒。

十六年，肃侯游大陵，出于鹿门，大戊午扣马曰：“耕事方急，一日不作，百日不食。”肃侯下车谢。

十七年，围魏黄，不克。筑长城。

十八年，齐、魏伐我，我决河水灌之，兵去。二十二年，张仪相秦。赵疵与秦战，败，秦杀疵河西，取我蔺、离石。二十三年，韩举与齐、魏战，死于桑丘。

二十四年，肃侯卒。秦、楚、燕、齐、魏出锐师各万人来会葬。子武灵王立。

武灵王元年，阳文君赵豹相。梁襄王与太子嗣，韩宣王与太子仓来朝信宫。武灵王少，未能听政，博闻师三人，左右司过三人。及听政，先问先王贵臣肥义，加其秩；国三老年八十，月致其礼。

三年，城鄗。四年，与韩会于区鼠。五年，娶韩女为夫人。

八年，韩击秦，不胜而去。五国相王，赵独否，曰：“无其实，敢处其名乎！”令国人谓已曰“君”。

九年，与韩、魏共击秦，秦败我，斩首八万级。齐败我观泽。十年，秦取我中都及西阳。齐破燕。燕相子之为君，君反为臣。十一年，王召公子职于韩，立以为燕王，使乐池送之。十三年，秦拔我蔺，虏将军赵庄。楚、魏王来，过邯郸。十四年，赵何攻魏。

十六年，秦惠王卒。王游大陵。他日，王梦见处女鼓琴而歌诗曰：“美人荧荧兮，颜若苕之荣。命乎命乎，曾无我嬴！”异日，王饮酒乐，数言所梦，想见其状。吴广闻之，因夫人而内其女娃嬴。孟姚也。孟姚甚有宠于王，是为惠后。

十七年，王出九门，为野台，以望齐、中山之境。

十八年，秦武王与孟说举龙文赤鼎，绝膑而死。赵王使代相赵固迎公子稷于燕，送归，立为秦王，是为昭王。

十九年春正月，大朝信宫。召肥义与议天下，五日而毕。王北略中山之地，至于房子，遂之代，北至无穷，西至河，登黄华之上。召楼缓谋曰：“我先王因世之变，以长南藩之地，属阻漳、滏之险，立长城，又取蔺、郭狼，败林人于荏，而功未遂。今中山在我腹心，北有燕，东有胡，西有林胡、楼烦、秦、韩之边，而无强兵之救，是亡社稷，柰何？夫有高世之名，必有遗俗之累。吾欲胡服。”楼缓曰：“善。”群臣皆不欲。

于是肥义侍，王曰：“简、襄主之烈，计胡、翟之利。为人臣者，宠有孝弟长幼顺明之节，通有补民益主之业，此两者臣之分也。今吾欲继襄主之迹，开于胡、翟之乡，而卒世不见也。为敌弱，用力少而功多，可以毋尽百姓之劳，而序往古之勋。夫有高世之功者，负遗俗之累；有独智之虑者，任骜民之怨。今吾将胡服骑射以教百姓，而世必议寡人，柰何？”肥义曰：“臣闻疑事无功，疑行无名。王既定负遗俗之虑，殆无顾天下之议矣。夫论至德者不和于俗，成大功者不谋于众。昔者舜舞有苗，禹袒裸国，非以养欲而乐志也，务以论德而约功也。愚者暗成事，智者睹未形，则王何疑焉。”王曰：“吾不疑胡服也，吾恐天下笑我也。狂夫之乐，智者哀焉；愚者所笑，贤者察焉。世有顺我者，胡服之功未可知也。虽驱世以笑我，胡地中山吾必有之。”于是遂胡服矣。

使王緤告公子成曰：“寡人胡服，将以朝也，亦欲叔服之。家听于亲而国听于君，古今之公行也。子不反亲，臣不逆君，兄弟之通义也。今寡人作教易服而叔不服，吾恐天下议之也。制国有常，利民为本；从政有经，令行为上。明德先论于贱，而行政先信于贵。今胡服之意，非以养欲而乐志也；事有所止而功有所出，事成功立，然后善也。今寡人恐叔之逆从政之经，以辅叔之议。且寡人闻之，事利国者行无邪，因贵戚者名不累，故愿慕公叔之义，以成胡服之功。使緤谒之叔，请服焉。”公子成再拜稽首曰：“臣固闻王之胡服也。臣不佞，寝疾，未能趋走以滋进也。王命之，臣敢对，因竭其愚忠。曰：臣闻中国者，盖聪明徇智之所居也，万物财用之所聚也，贤圣之所教也，仁义之所施也，诗书礼乐之所用也，异敏技能之所试也，远方之所观赴也，蛮夷之所义行也。今王舍此而袭远方之服，变古之教，易古人道，逆人之心，而怫学者，离中国，故臣愿王图之也。”使者以报。王曰：“吾固闻叔之疾也，我将自往请之。”

王遂往之公子成家，因自请之，曰：“夫服者，所以便用也；礼者，所以便事也。圣人观乡而顺宜，因事而制礼，所以利其民而厚其国也。夫翦发文身，错臂左衽，瓯越之民也。黑齿雕题，卻冠秫绌，大吴之国也。故礼服莫同，其便一也。乡异而用变，事异而礼易。是以圣人果可以利其国，不一其用；果可以便其事，不同其礼。儒者一师而俗异，中国同礼而教离，况于山谷之便乎？故去就之变，智者不能一；远近之服，贤圣不能同。穷乡多异，曲学多辩。不知而不疑，异于己而不非者，公焉而众求尽善也。今叔之所言者俗也，吾所言者所以制俗也。吾国东有河、薄洛之水，与齐、中山同之，无舟楫之用。自常山以至代、上党，东有燕、东胡之境，而西有楼烦、秦、韩之边，今无骑射之备。故寡人无舟楫之用，夹水居之民，将何以守河、薄洛之水；变服骑射，以备燕、三胡、秦、韩之边。且昔者简主不塞晋阳以及上党，而襄主并戎取代以攘诸胡，此愚智所明也。先时中山负齐之强兵，侵暴吾地，系累吾民，引水围鄗，微社稷之神灵，则鄗几于不守也。先王丑之，而怨未能报也。今骑射之备，近可以便上党之形，而远可以报中山之怨。而叔顺中国之俗以逆简、襄之意，恶变服之名以忘鄗事之丑，非寡人之所望也。”公子成再拜稽首曰：“臣愚，不达于王之义，敢道世俗之闻，臣之罪也。今王将继简、襄之意以顺先王之志，臣敢不听命乎！”再拜稽首。乃赐胡服。明日，服而朝。于是始出胡服令也。

赵文、赵造、周袑、赵俊皆谏止王毋胡服，如故法便。王曰：“先王不同俗，何古之法？帝王不相袭，何礼之循？虙戏、神农教而不诛，黄帝、尧、舜诛而不怒。及至三王，随时制法，因事制礼。法度制令各顺其宜，衣服器械各便其用。故礼也不必一道，而便国不必古。圣人之兴也不相袭而王，夏、殷之衰也不易礼而灭。然则反古未可非，而循礼未足多也。且服奇者志淫，则是邹、鲁无奇行也；俗辟者民易，则是吴、越无秀士也。且圣人利身谓之服，便事谓之礼。夫进退之节，衣服之制者，所以齐常民也，非所以论贤者也。故齐民与俗流，贤者与变俱。故谚曰‘以书御者不尽马之情，以古制今者不达事之变’。循法之功，不足以高世；法古之学，不足以制今。子不及也。”遂胡服招骑射。

二十年，王略中山地，至宁葭；西略胡地，至榆中。林胡王献马。归，使楼缓之秦，仇液之韩，王贲之楚，富丁之魏，赵爵之齐。代相赵固主胡，致其兵。

二十一年，攻中山。赵袑为右军，许钧为左军，公子章为中军，王并将之。牛翦将车骑，赵希并将胡、代。赵与之陉，合军曲阳，攻取丹丘、华阳、鸱之塞。王军取鄗、石邑、封龙、东垣。中山献四邑和，王许之，罢兵。二十三年，攻中山。二十五年，惠后卒。使周袑胡服傅王子何。二十六年，复攻中山，攘地北至燕、代，西至云中、九原。

二十七年五月戊申，大朝于东宫，传国，立王子何以为王。王庙见礼毕，出临朝。大夫悉为臣，肥义为相国，并傅王。是为惠文王。惠文王，惠后吴娃子也。武灵王自号为主父。

主父欲令子主治国，而身胡服将士大夫西北略胡地，而欲从云中、九原直南袭秦，于是诈自为使者入秦。秦昭王不知，已而怪其状甚伟，非人臣之度，使人逐之，而主父驰已脱关矣。审问之，乃主父也。秦人大惊。主父所以入秦者，欲自略地形，因观秦王之为人也。

惠文王二年，主父行新地，遂出代，西遇楼烦王于西河而致其兵。

三年，灭中山，迁其王于肤施。起灵寿，北地方从，代道大通。还归，行赏，大赦，置酒酺五日，封长子章为代安阳君。章素侈，心不服其弟所立。主父又使田不礼相章也。

李兑谓肥义曰：“公子章强壮而志骄，党众而欲大，殆有私乎？田不礼之为人也，忍杀而骄。二人相得，必有谋阴贼起，一出身徼幸。夫小人有欲，轻虑浅谋，徒见其利而不顾其害，同类相推，俱入祸门。以吾观之，必不久矣。子任重而势大，乱之所始，祸之所集也，子必先患。仁者爱万物而智者备祸于未形，不仁不智，何以为国？子奚不称疾毋出，传政于公子成？毋为怨府，毋为祸梯。”肥义曰：“不可，昔者主父以王属义也，曰：‘毋变而度，毋异而虑，坚守一心，以殁而世。’义再拜受命而籍之。今畏不礼之难而忘吾籍，变孰大焉。进受严命，退而不全，负孰甚焉。变负之臣，不容于刑。谚曰‘死者复生，生者不愧’。吾言已在前矣，吾欲全吾言，安得全吾身！且夫贞臣也难至而节见，忠臣也累至而行明。子则有赐而忠我矣，虽然，吾有语在前者也，终不敢失。”李兑曰：“诺，子勉之矣！吾见子已今年耳。”涕泣而出。李兑数见公子成，以备田不礼之事。

异日肥义谓信期曰：“公子与田不礼甚可忧也。其于义也声善而实恶，此为人也不子不臣。吾闻之也，奸臣在朝，国之残也；谗臣在中，主之蠹也。此人贪而欲大，内得主而外为暴。矫令为慢，以擅一旦之命，不难为也，祸且逮国。今吾忧之，夜而忘寐，饥而忘食。盗贼出入不可不备。自今以来，若有召王者必见吾面，我将先以身当之，无故而王乃入。”信期曰：“善哉，吾得闻此也！”

四年，朝群臣，安阳君亦来朝。主父令王听朝，而自从旁观窥群臣宗室之礼。见其长子章傫然也，反北面为臣，诎于其弟，心怜之，于是乃欲分赵而王章于代，计未决而辍。

主父及王游沙丘，异宫，公子章即以其徒与田不礼作乱，诈以主父令召王。肥义先入，杀之。高信即与王战。公子成与李兑自国至，乃起四邑之兵入距难，杀公子章及田不礼，灭其党贼而定王室。公子成为相，号安平君，李兑为司寇。公子章之败，往走主父，主父开之，成、兑因围主父宫。公子章死，公子成、李兑谋曰：“以章故围主父，即解兵，吾属夷矣。”乃遂围主父。令宫中人“后出者夷”，宫中人悉出。主父欲出不得，又不得食，探爵鷇而食之，三月余而饿死沙丘宫。主父定死，乃发丧赴诸侯。

是时王少，成、兑专政，畏诛，故围主父。主父初以长子章为太子，后得吴娃，爱之，为不出者数岁，生子何，乃废太子章而立何为王。吴娃死，爱弛，怜故太子，欲两王之，犹豫未决，故乱起，以至父子俱死，为天下笑，岂不痛乎！

五年，与燕鄚、易。八年，城南行唐。九年，赵梁将，与齐合军攻韩，至鲁关下。及十年，秦自置为西帝。十一年，董叔与魏氏伐宋，得河阳于魏。秦取梗阳。十二年，赵梁将攻齐。十三年，韩徐为将，攻齐。公主死。十四年，相国乐毅将赵、秦、韩、魏、燕攻齐，取灵丘。与秦会中阳。十五年，燕昭王来见。赵与韩、魏、秦共击齐，齐王败走，燕独深入，取临菑。

十六年，秦复与赵数击齐，齐人患之。苏厉为齐遗赵王书曰：

臣闻古之贤君，其德行非布于海内也，教顺非洽于民人也，祭祀时享非数常于鬼神也。甘露降，时雨至，年谷丰孰，民不疾疫，众人善之，然而贤主图之。

今足下之贤行功力，非数加于秦也；怨毒积怒，非素深于齐也。秦赵与国，以强徵兵于韩，秦诚爱赵乎？其实憎齐乎？物之甚者，贤主察之。秦非爱赵而憎齐也，欲亡韩而吞二周，故以齐餤天下。恐事之不合，故出兵以劫魏、赵。恐天下畏己也，故出质以为信。恐天下亟反也，故徵兵于韩以威之。声以德与国，实而伐空韩，臣以秦计为必出于此。夫物固有势异而患同者，楚久伐而中山亡，今齐久伐而韩必亡。破齐，王与六国分其利也。亡韩，秦独擅之。收二周，西取祭器，秦独私之。赋田计功，王之获利孰与秦多？

说士之计曰：“韩亡三川，魏亡晋国，市朝未变而祸已及矣。”燕尽齐之北地，去沙丘、钜鹿敛三百里，韩之上党去邯郸百里，燕、秦谋王之河山，间三百里而通矣。秦之上郡近挺关，至于榆中者千五百里，秦以三郡攻王之上党，羊肠之西，句注之南，非王有已。逾句注，斩常山而守之，三百里而通于燕，代马胡犬不东下，昆山之玉不出，此三宝者亦非王有已。王久伐齐，从强秦攻韩，其祸必至于此。愿王孰虑之。

且齐之所以伐者，以事王也；天下属行，以谋王也。燕秦之约成而兵出有日矣。五国三分王之地，齐倍五国之约而殉王之患，西兵以禁强秦，秦废帝请服，反高平、根柔于魏，反巠分、先俞于赵。齐之事王，宜为上佼，而今乃抵罪，臣恐天下后事王者之不敢自必也。愿王孰计之也。

今王毋与天下攻齐，天下必以王为义。齐抱社稷而厚事王，天下必尽重王义。王以天下善秦，秦暴，王以天下禁之，是一世之名宠制于王也。于是赵乃辍，谢秦不击齐。

王与燕王遇。廉颇将，攻齐昔阳，取之。

十七年，乐毅将赵师攻魏伯阳。而秦怨赵不与己击齐，伐赵，拔我两城。十八年，秦拔我石城。王再之卫东阳，决河水，伐魏氏。大潦，漳水出。魏冉来相赵。十九年，秦取我二城。赵与魏伯阳。赵奢将，攻齐麦丘，取之。

二十年，廉颇将，攻齐。王与秦昭王遇西河外。

二十一年，赵徙漳水武平西。二十二年，大疫。置公子丹为太子。

二十三年，楼昌将，攻魏几，不能取。十二月，廉颇将，攻几，取之。二十四年，廉颇将，攻魏房子，拔之，因城而还。又攻安阳，取之。二十五年，燕周将，攻昌城、高唐，取之。与魏共击秦。秦将白起破我华阳，得一将军。二十六年，取东胡欧代地。

二十七年，徙漳水武平南。封赵豹为平阳君。河水出，大潦。

二十八年，蔺相如伐齐，至平邑。罢城北九门大城。燕将成安君公孙操弑其王。二十九年，秦、韩相攻，而围阏与。赵使赵奢将，击秦，大破秦军阏与下，赐号为马服君。

三十三年，惠文王卒，太子丹立，是为孝成王。

孝成王元年，秦伐我，拔三城。赵王新立，太后用事，秦急攻之。赵氏求救于齐，齐曰：“必以长安君为质，兵乃出。”太后不肯，大臣强谏。太后明谓左右曰：“复言长安君为质者，老妇必唾其面。”左师触龙言愿见太后，太后盛气而胥之。入，徐趋而坐，自谢曰：“老臣病足，曾不能疾走，不得见久矣。窃自恕，而恐太后体之有所苦也，故愿望见太后。”太后曰：“老妇恃辇而行耳。”曰：“食得毋衰乎？”曰：“恃粥耳。”曰：“老臣间者殊不欲食，乃强步，日三四里，少益嗜食，和于身也。”太后曰：“老妇不能。”太后不和之色少解。左师公曰：“老臣贱息舒祺最少，不肖，而臣衰，窃怜爱之，愿得补黑衣之缺以卫王宫，昧死以闻。”太后曰：“敬诺。年几何矣？”对曰：“十五岁矣。虽少，愿及未填沟壑而讬之。”太后曰：“丈夫亦爱怜少子乎？”对曰：“甚于妇人。”太后笑曰：“妇人异甚。”对曰：“老臣窃以为媪之爱燕后贤于长安君。”太后曰：“君过矣，不若长安君之甚。”左师公曰：“父母爱子，则为之计深远。媪之送燕后也，持其踵，为之泣，念其远也，亦哀之矣。已行，非不思也，祭祀则祝之曰‘必勿使反’，岂非计长久，为子孙相继为王也哉？”太后曰：“然。”左师公曰：“今三世以前，至于赵主之子孙为侯者，其继有在者乎？”曰：“无有。”曰：“微独赵，诸侯有在者乎？”曰：“老妇不闻也。”曰：“此其近者祸及其身，远者及其子孙。岂人主之子侯则不善哉？位尊而无功，奉厚而无劳，而挟重器多也。今媪尊长安君之位，而封之以膏腴之地，多与之重器，而不及今令有功于国，一旦山陵崩，长安君何以自讬于赵？老臣以媪为长安君之计短也，故以为爱之不若燕后。”太后曰：“诺，恣君之所使之。”于是为长安君约车百乘，质于齐，齐兵乃出。

子义闻之，曰：“人主之子，骨肉之亲也，犹不能持无功之尊，无劳之奉，而守金玉之重也，而况于予乎？”

齐安平君田单将赵师而攻燕中阳，拔之。又攻韩注人，拔之。二年，惠文后卒。田单为相。

四年，王梦衣偏裻之衣，乘飞龙上天，不至而坠，见金玉之积如山。明日，王召筮史敢占之，曰：“梦衣偏裻之衣者，残也。乘飞龙上天不至而坠者，有气而无实也。见金玉之积如山者，忧也。”

后三日，韩氏上党守冯亭使者至，曰：“韩不能守上党，入之于秦。其吏民皆安为赵，不欲为秦。有城市邑十七，愿再拜入之赵，财王所以赐吏民。”王大喜，召平阳君豹告之曰：“冯亭入城市邑十七，受之何如？”对曰：“圣人甚祸无故之利。”王曰：“人怀吾德，何谓无故乎？”对曰：“夫秦蚕食韩氏地，中绝不令相通，固自以为坐而受上党之地也。韩氏所以不入于秦者，欲嫁其祸于赵也。秦服其劳而赵受其利，虽强大不能得之于小弱，小弱顾能得之于强大乎？岂可谓非无故之利哉！且夫秦以牛田之水通粮蚕食，上乘倍战者，裂上国之地，其政行，不可与为难，必勿受也。”王曰：“今发百万之军而攻，逾年历岁未得一城也。今以城市邑十七币吾国，此大利也。”

赵豹出，王召平原君与赵禹而告之。对曰：“发百万之军而攻，逾岁未得一城，今坐受城市邑十七，此大利，不可失也。”王曰：“善。”乃令赵胜受地，告冯亭曰：“敝国使者臣胜，敝国君使胜致命，以万户都三封太守，千户都三封县令，皆世世为侯，吏民皆益爵三级，吏民能相安，皆赐之六金。”冯亭垂涕不见使者，曰：“吾不处三不义也：为主守地，不能死固，不义一矣；入之秦，不听主令，不义二矣；卖主地而食之，不义三矣。”赵遂发兵取上党。廉颇将军军长平。

七月，廉颇免而赵括代将。秦人围赵括，赵括以军降，卒四十余万皆阬之。王悔不听赵豹之计，故有长平之祸焉。

王还，不听秦，秦围邯郸。武垣令傅豹、王容、苏射率燕众反燕地。赵以灵丘封楚相春申君。

八年，平原君如楚请救。还，楚来救，及魏公子无忌亦来救，秦围邯郸乃解。

十年，燕攻昌壮，五月拔之。赵将乐乘、庆舍攻秦信梁军，破之。太子死。而秦攻西周，拔之。徒父祺出。十一年，城元氏，县上原。武阳君郑安平死，收其地。十二年，邯郸廥烧。十四年，平原君赵胜死。

十五年，以尉文封相国廉颇为信平君。燕王令丞相栗腹约驩，以五百金为赵王酒，还归，报燕王曰：“赵氏壮者皆死长平，其孤未壮，可伐也。”王召昌国君乐间而问之。对曰：“赵，四战之国也，其民习兵，伐之不可。”王曰：“吾以众伐寡，二而伐一，可乎？”对曰：“不可。”王曰：“吾即以五而伐一，可乎？”对曰：“不可。”燕王大怒。群臣皆以为可。燕卒起二军，车二千乘，栗腹将而攻鄗，卿秦将而攻代。廉颇为赵将，破杀栗腹，虏卿秦、乐间。

十六年，廉颇围燕。以乐乘为武襄君。十七年，假相大将武襄君攻燕，围其国。十八年，延陵钧率师从相国信平君助魏攻燕。秦拔我榆次三十七城。十九年，赵与燕易土：以龙兑、汾门、临乐与燕；燕以葛、武阳、平舒与赵。

二十年，秦王政初立。秦拔我晋阳。

二十一年，孝成王卒。廉颇将，攻繁阳，取之。使乐乘代之，廉颇攻乐乘，乐乘走，廉颇亡入魏。子偃立，是为悼襄王。

悼襄王元年，大备魏。欲通平邑、中牟之道，不成。

二年，李牧将，攻燕，拔武遂、方城。秦召春平君，因而留之。泄钧为之谓文信侯曰：“春平君者，赵王甚爱之而郎中妒之，故相与谋曰‘春平君入秦，秦必留之’，故相与谋而内之秦也。今君留之，是绝赵而郎中之计中也。君不如遣春平君而留平都。春平君者言行信于王，王必厚割赵而赎平都。”文信侯曰：“善。”因遣之。城韩皋。

三年，庞暖将，攻燕，禽其将剧辛。四年，庞暖将赵、楚、魏、燕之锐师，攻秦蕞，不拔；移攻齐，取饶安。五年，傅抵将，居平邑；庆舍将东阳河外师，守河梁。六年，封长安君以饶。魏与赵邺。

九年，赵攻燕，取貍、阳城。兵未罢，秦攻邺，拔之。悼襄王卒，子幽缪王迁立。

幽缪王迁元年，城柏人。二年，秦攻武城，扈辄率师救之，军败，死焉。

三年，秦攻赤丽、宜安，李牧率师与战肥下，卻之。封牧为武安君。四年，秦攻番吾，李牧与之战，卻之。

五年，代地大动，自乐徐以西，北至平阴，台屋墙垣太半坏，地坼东西百三十步。六年，大饥，民讹言曰：“赵为号，秦为笑。以为不信，视地之生毛。”

七年，秦人攻赵，赵大将李牧、将军司马尚将，击之。李牧诛，司马尚免，赵怱及齐将颜聚代之。赵怱军破，颜聚亡去。以王迁降。

八年十月，邯郸为秦。

太史公曰：吾闻冯王孙曰：“赵王迁，其母倡也，嬖于悼襄王。悼襄王废適子嘉而立迁。迁素无行，信谗，故诛其良将李牧，用郭开。”岂不缪哉！秦既虏迁，赵之亡大夫共立嘉为王，王代六岁，秦进兵破嘉，遂灭赵以为郡。

Volume 43 · The Hereditary House of Zhao, Thirteenth

司马迁

The ancestors of the Zhao clan shared a forebear with Qin. Down to Zhongyan, he was charioteer to the Emperor Dawu. In a later generation Feilian had two sons, and he named one of them Elai, who served Zhou the tyrant and was killed by Zhou; his posterity became Qin. Elai's younger brother was called Jisheng, and his posterity became Zhao.

Jisheng begot Mengzeng. Mengzeng was favoured by King Cheng of Zhou, and was called Zhai Gaolang. Gaolang begot Hengfu, and Hengfu begot Zaofu. Zaofu was favoured by King Mu of Zhou. Zaofu took a matched team of thoroughbreds, along with the Daoli, the Hualiu and the Lü'er from Taolin, and presented them to King Mu. King Mu had Zaofu drive for him and made his inspection tour in the west, and saw the Queen Mother of the West and delighted in her and forgot to go home. And when Yan, the King of Xu, rebelled, King Mu drove his thousand-li horses a day's stretch and attacked Yan, the King of Xu, and greatly broke him. He then bestowed the city of Zhao on Zaofu, and from this they were the Zhao clan.

From Zaofu down, in the sixth generation, came Yanfu, called Gongzhong; in King Xuan of Zhou's time he attacked the Rong and was charioteer. At the battle of Qianmu, Yanfu got King Xuan out of it. Yanfu begot Shudai. In Shudai's time King You of Zhou was without the Way, and he left Zhou for Jin and served Marquis Wen of Jin, and first established the Zhao clan in the state of Jin.

From Shudai down the Zhao line flourished the more, and in five generations it came to Zhao Su.

Zhao Su: in Duke Xian of Jin's sixteenth year he attacked Huo, Wei and Geng, and Zhao Su was the general who attacked Huo. Qiu, the Duke of Huo, fled to Qi. There was a great drought in Jin, and they divined it, and the answer was: "The Great Mountain of Huo is the source of the curse." They sent Zhao Su to summon the lord of Huo from Qi and restore him, so as to take up the sacrifices to the Great Mountain of Huo, and Jin was again abundant. Duke Xian of Jin bestowed Geng on Zhao Su.

Su begot Gongmeng, in Duke Min of Lu's first year. Gongmeng begot Zhao Cui, styled Ziyu.

Zhao Cui divined about serving Duke Xian of Jin and the several princes, and none was auspicious; he divined about serving Prince Chonger, and it was auspicious, and so he served Chonger. Chonger, because of Li Ji's disorder, fled abroad to the Di, and Zhao Cui went with him. The Di attacked the Qiangjiuru and got two daughters; the Di gave the younger to Chonger to wife and the elder to Zhao Cui, and she bore Dun. Earlier, while Chonger was still in Jin, Zhao Cui's wife had also borne Zhao Tong, Zhao Kuo and Zhao Yingqi. Zhao Cui followed Chonger out into exile, nineteen years in all, before they got back to the state. Chonger became Duke Wen of Jin, and Zhao Cui became grandee of Yuan, dwelt at Yuan and took charge of the state's government. That Duke Wen got back his state and became hegemon was largely by Zhao Cui's plans, and the account is in the affairs of Jin.

After Zhao Cui had gone back to Jin, his Jin wife insisted on welcoming in the Di wife, and made her son Dun the rightful heir, and the three sons of the Jin wife all served him as inferiors. In Duke Xiang of Jin's sixth year Zhao Cui died, with the posthumous title Chengji.

Zhao Dun took Chengji's place in charge of the state's government, and in the second year Duke Xiang of Jin died; the heir apparent Yigao was young in years. Dun, because the state had many troubles, wished to set up Duke Xiang's younger brother Yong. Yong was then in Qin, and he sent an envoy to welcome him. The heir apparent's mother wailed and wept day and night, and knocking her head on the ground said to Zhao Dun: "What was the former lord's crime, that you set aside his rightful son and seek a lord elsewhere?" Zhao Dun was troubled by it, and fearing that her clan and the grandees would make a surprise attack and put him to death, he thereupon set up the heir apparent: this was Duke Ling. And he sent out troops to hold off those who had gone to welcome Duke Xiang's younger brother from Qin. Duke Ling being set up, Zhao Dun engrossed the state's government all the more.

Duke Ling had been in his place fourteen years and grew more arrogant. Zhao Dun repeatedly remonstrated, and Duke Ling would not listen. And when it came to the eating of the bear's paw, and it was not boiled till done, he killed the cook, and they were carrying out his corpse when Zhao Dun saw it. Duke Ling from this was afraid and wished to kill Dun. Dun had always been humane and loving toward men, and the starving man he had once fed under the mulberry tree turned about and fended for him and saved him, and Dun was thus able to escape. He had not yet gone out of the borders when Zhao Chuan murdered Duke Ling and set up Duke Xiang's younger brother Heitun: this was Duke Cheng. Zhao Dun came back again and took charge of the state's government. The gentlemen reproached Dun that "being chief minister, in flight he did not cross the border, and on returning did not punish the culprit," and therefore the Grand Scribe wrote: "Zhao Dun murdered his lord." In Duke Jing of Jin's time Zhao Dun died, with the posthumous title Xuanmeng, and his son Shuo succeeded.

Zhao Shuo: in Duke Jing of Jin's third year Shuo was general of the lower army of Jin to rescue Zheng, and fought with King Zhuang of Chu by the He. Shuo took Duke Cheng of Jin's elder sister as his lady.

In Duke Jing of Jin's third year the grandee Tu'an Gu wished to put the Zhao clan to death. Earlier, in Zhao Dun's time, Dun had dreamed that he saw Shudai holding him about the waist and weeping most bitterly; and then laughing, clapping his hands and singing. Dun divined it, and the cracks broke off and then were good. The Zhao scribe Yuan cast it and said: "This dream is most ill; it is not for my lord's person but for my lord's son, and even so it is my lord's own fault. Coming to the grandson, the Zhao line will grow weaker generation by generation." As for Tu'an Gu, he had at first been favoured by Duke Ling, and coming to Duke Jing's time Gu was Minister of Justice; and meaning to make trouble, he reopened the case of the culprit against Duke Ling in order to bring in Zhao Dun, and announced to all the commanders: "Though Dun did not know of it, he is still the chief of the culprits. For a subject to murder a lord, and his sons and grandsons to be at court — how are crimes to be checked? I ask that they be put to death." Han Jue said: "When Duke Ling met with his culprit, Zhao Dun was abroad, and our former lord held him without guilt and therefore did not put him to death. Now you gentlemen would put his posterity to death: this is not our former lord's intent, but a reckless execution now. A reckless execution is called disorder. For a subject to have a great matter in hand and the lord not to hear of it is to have no lord." Tu'an Gu would not listen. Han Jue told Zhao Shuo to make haste and flee. Shuo would not, and said: "If you will surely not let the sacrifices of Zhao be cut off, Shuo will die without regret." Han Jue consented, and pleaded illness and did not go out. Gu, without asking leave, took it on himself to join the commanders in attacking the Zhao clan at the Lower Palace, and killed Zhao Shuo, Zhao Tong, Zhao Kuo and Zhao Yingqi, and destroyed all their clans.

Zhao Shuo's wife, Duke Cheng's sister, was left with child, and ran to the ducal palace and hid there. A retainer of Zhao Shuo's was called Gongsun Chujiu; Chujiu said to Shuo's friend Cheng Ying: "Why do you not die?" Cheng Ying said: "Shuo's wife is left with child; if by good luck it is a boy, I shall bring him up; if it is a girl, I shall die then at my leisure." In no long time Shuo's wife was delivered and bore a boy. Tu'an Gu heard of it and searched the palace. The lady put the child in her trousers and prayed: "If the Zhao line is to be destroyed, then cry; if it is not to be destroyed, then make no sound." And when they searched, the child in the end made no sound. Having got clear, Cheng Ying said to Gongsun Chujiu: "Now one search has failed; afterwards they will surely search again. What is to be done?" Gongsun Chujiu said: "Which is harder, to establish the orphan or to die?" Cheng Ying said: "Dying is easy; establishing the orphan is hard." Gongsun Chujiu said: "The former lord of the Zhao clan treated you generously; you make shift to do the hard thing, and I shall do the easy one; let me die first." So the two of them plotted to take another man's infant and carry it on their backs, dressed it in figured swaddling and hid it in the hills. Cheng Ying went out and said falsely to the commanders: "Ying is worthless and cannot establish the Zhao orphan. Who will give me a thousand catties of gold? I shall tell where the Zhao orphan is." The commanders were all delighted and agreed to it, and sent out troops to follow Cheng Ying and attack Gongsun Chujiu. Chujiu said falsely: "What a small man Cheng Ying is! In the trouble at the Lower Palace he could not die, and he plotted with me to hide the Zhao clan's orphan, and now he sells me too. Even if he could not establish him, can he bear to sell him!" And embracing the child he cried out: "Heaven! Heaven! What is the Zhao orphan's crime? I beg you to let him live, and killing Chujiu alone will do." The commanders would not allow it, and thereupon killed Chujiu and the orphan. The commanders, thinking that the Zhao clan's orphan was indeed dead, were all delighted. But the true orphan of the Zhao clan was in fact still alive, and Cheng Ying in the end hid with him in the hills.

Fifteen years later Duke Jing of Jin fell ill, and they divined it: the posterity of Daye who had not prospered was the source of the curse. Duke Jing asked Han Jue, and Jue, knowing that the Zhao orphan was alive, then said: "Among the posterity of Daye, the one whose sacrifices are cut off in Jin — is it not the Zhao clan? All who come from Zhongyan are of the Ying surname. Zhongyan had a man's face and a bird's beak, and came down to assist the Yin Emperor Dawu, and served the Sons of Heaven of Zhou, and they all had bright power. Coming down to You and Li, who were without the Way, Shudai left Zhou for Jin and served our former lord Marquis Wen, and down to Duke Cheng they generation by generation had merit and their sacrifices were never cut off. Now my lord alone has destroyed the Zhao line, and the people of the state grieve for it, and so it appears in the tortoise and the stalks. Let my lord consider it." Duke Jing asked: "Have the Zhao still any posterity left?" Han Jue told him the whole truth of it. Thereupon Duke Jing plotted with Han Jue to set up the Zhao orphan, and summoned him and hid him in the palace. The commanders came in to ask after his illness, and Duke Jing used Han Jue's following to coerce the commanders and showed them the Zhao orphan. The Zhao orphan's name was Wu. The commanders could not help it, and said: "In the trouble at the Lower Palace long ago, Tu'an Gu did it, falsely using my lord's command and so giving commands to the body of ministers. Had it not been so, who would have dared make trouble! But for my lord's illness, the body of ministers would in any case have asked that a successor to the Zhao be set up. Now that my lord has given the command, it is what the body of ministers wishes." Thereupon they summoned Zhao Wu and Cheng Ying to make the round of the commanders bowing, and then turned with Cheng Ying and Zhao Wu and attacked Tu'an Gu and destroyed his clan. And they gave back Zhao Wu's fields and towns as before.

And when Zhao Wu took the cap and became a grown man, Cheng Ying took leave of the several grandees and said to Zhao Wu: "In the trouble at the Lower Palace long ago, all were able to die. I was not unable to die; I was thinking of establishing the Zhao clan's posterity. Now Zhao Wu is established and is a grown man, and has his old position back, and I shall go down to report to Zhao Xuanmeng and to Gongsun Chujiu." Zhao Wu wept and knocked his head on the ground and firmly entreated him, saying: "Wu would wear out his sinews and bones to repay you until death, and can you bear to leave me and die!" Cheng Ying said: "It cannot be. He took me for one who could bring the business to completion, and therefore died before me; if I do not report now, that makes my business out to be uncompleted." And he thereupon killed himself. Zhao Wu wore the hemmed mourning garb for him three years, and made him a sacrificial town, and offered to him in spring and autumn, generation after generation without cutting it off.

Eleven years after the Zhao clan was restored to position, Duke Li of Jin killed his grandees the three Xi. Luan Shu feared it would reach him, and so thereupon murdered his lord Duke Li and set up Duke Xiang's great-grandson Zhou instead: this was Duke Dao. From this the grandees of Jin grew gradually stronger.

Zhao Wu had continued the Zhao line twenty-seven years when Duke Ping of Jin was set up. In Duke Ping's twelfth year Zhao Wu became chief minister. In the thirteenth year Jizi of Yanling of Wu came on a mission to Jin and said: "The government of the state of Jin will in the end go to the posterity of Master Zhao Wu, Han Xuanzi and Wei Xianzi." Zhao Wu died, with the posthumous title Wenzi.

Wenzi begot Jingshu. In Jingshu's time Duke Jing of Qi sent Yan Ying to Jin, and Yan Ying talked with Shuxiang of Jin. Ying said: "The government of Qi will in the end go to the Tian clan." Shuxiang too said: "The government of the state of Jin will go to the six ministers. The six ministers are extravagant, and our lord cannot be concerned about it."

Zhao Jingshu died, having begotten Zhao Yang: this was Jianzi.

Zhao Jianzi being in his place, in Duke Qing of Jin's ninth year Jianzi was to bring the feudal lords together to garrison Zhou. The next year he brought King Jing of Zhou into Zhou, on account of his having avoided his younger brother Zichao.

In Duke Qing of Jin's twelfth year the six ministers by the law put to death the ducal kin, the Qi clan and the Yangshe clan, and divided their towns into ten counties, and each of the six ministers had his own clansmen made grandees of them. The ducal house of Jin from this grew weaker still.

Thirteen years later the rebellious minister of Lu, Yang Hu, came here as a fugitive, and Zhao Jianzi took a bribe and treated him generously.

Zhao Jianzi was ill and for five days did not know men, and the grandees were all afraid. The physician Bian Que looked at him, and as he came out Dong Anyu asked him. Bian Que said: "The blood and the pulse are in order; what is there to wonder at! Long ago Duke Mu of Qin was once like this, and after seven days he awoke. On the day he awoke he told Gongsun Zhi and Ziyu: 'I was at the Lord's place and much delighted. The reason I was so long is that there was something to learn. The Lord told me: "The state of Jin will fall into great disorder and five generations will be unsettled; afterwards it will be hegemon, and he will die before he is old; and the hegemon's son will make your state have no distinction between men and women."' Gongsun Zhi wrote it down and stored it away, and the Qin prognostications came out from this. Duke Xian's disorder, Duke Wen's hegemony, and Duke Xiang's defeating the Qin army at Yao and coming home to give himself to licence — these are what you have heard of. Now my lord's illness is the same as that; within three days the illness must break, and when it breaks he will surely have something to say."

Two and a half days later Jianzi awoke. He said to the grandees: "I was at the Lord's place and much delighted, and roamed with the hundred spirits in the Balanced Heaven; there was broad music in nine movements and the ten-thousand dance, not like the music of the Three Dynasties, and its sound stirred a man's heart. There was a bear that would come and seize me, and the Lord ordered me to shoot it; I hit the bear and the bear died. And there came a brown bear, and I shot it too; I hit the brown bear and the brown bear died. The Lord was much pleased and bestowed on me two hampers, each with its matching one. I saw a boy at the Lord's side, and the Lord assigned me a Di dog, saying: 'When your son is grown, bestow it on him.' The Lord told me: 'The state of Jin will decline generation by generation, and in seven generations will perish; and the Ying surname will greatly defeat the men of Zhou west of Fankui, and yet will not be able to hold it either. Now I think of the merit of Yu Shun, and in due time I shall match his descendant's daughter Meng Yao with your seventh-generation grandson.'" Dong Anyu received the words and wrote them down and stored them. He told Bian Que's words to Jianzi, and Jianzi bestowed forty thousand mu of fields on Bian Que.

Another day Jianzi went out, and there was a man in the road; they made way and he would not go, and the followers were angry and were going to put him to the knife. The man in the road said: "I wish to lay something before my lord." The followers reported it. Jianzi summoned him and said: "Ha, I have seen you somewhere, and clearly." The man in the road said: "Screen off those about you; I wish to lay something before you." Jianzi screened his men off. The man in the road said: "During my lord's illness I was at the Lord's side." Jianzi said: "It is so; there was such a thing. In your seeing me, what was I doing?" The man in the road said: "The Lord ordered my lord to shoot a bear and a brown bear, and both died." Jianzi said: "That is so; and what is it?" The man in the road said: "The state of Jin will have a great trouble, and my lord will be at the head of it. The Lord ordered my lord to destroy two ministers; the bear and the brown bear are both their ancestors." Jianzi said: "The Lord bestowed on me two hampers each with its matching one; what is that?" The man in the road said: "My lord's son will overcome two states among the Di, both of the Zi surname." Jianzi said: "I saw a boy at the Lord's side, and the Lord assigned me a Di dog, saying, 'When your son is grown, bestow it on him.' What does the boy mean, that the Di dog should be bestowed on him?" The man in the road said: "The boy is my lord's son. The Di dog is the forebear of Dai. My lord's son will surely have Dai. And coming to my lord's posterity, there will be one who changes the government and wears the Hu dress, and annexes two states among the Di." Jianzi asked his surname and offered him office. The man in the road said: "I am a man of the wilds; I only delivered the Lord's command." And thereupon he was not seen. Jianzi wrote it down and stored it in his treasury.

On another day Gubu Ziqing saw Jianzi, and Jianzi summoned all his sons to have their faces read. Ziqing said: "There is none here who can be a general." Jianzi said: "Is the Zhao clan then to be destroyed?" Ziqing said: "I once saw a son on the road; he is likely my lord's son." Jianzi summoned his son Wuxu. Wuxu came, and Ziqing rose and said: "This is the true general!" Jianzi said: "His mother is of low birth, a Di serving-woman; by what road is he honoured?" Ziqing said: "What Heaven confers, though low-born, must be honoured." From this time on Jianzi summoned all his sons and talked with them, and Wuxu was the worthiest. Jianzi then told his sons: "I have hidden a precious token on Mount Chang; the first to get it will be rewarded." The sons galloped up Mount Chang and looked and found nothing. Wuxu came back and said: "I have got the token." Jianzi said: "Present it." Wuxu said: "From the top of Mount Chang one looks down on Dai; Dai can be taken." Jianzi thereupon knew that Wuxu was indeed worthy, and so deposed the heir apparent Bolu and made Wuxu heir apparent.

Two years later, in Duke Ding of Jin's fourteenth year, the Fan and the Zhonghang made a rebellion. In the spring of the next year Jianzi said to Wu, the grandee of Handan: "Return me the five hundred households of Wei men; I mean to place them at Jinyang." Wu consented, and going home, his father and elder brothers would not listen, and he went back on his word. Zhao Yang seized Wu and imprisoned him at Jinyang. Then he told the men of Handan: "I have privately put Wu to death; whom do you gentlemen wish set up?" And thereupon he killed Wu. Zhao Ji and She Bin rebelled with Handan. The lord of Jin sent Ji Qin to besiege Handan. Xun Yin and Fan Jishe were on good terms with Wu, and would not help Qin but plotted a rebellion, and Dong Anyu knew of it. In the tenth month the Fan and Zhonghang clans attacked Zhao Yang, and Yang fled to Jinyang, and the men of Jin besieged him. Wei Xiang and others, enemies of Fan Jishe and Xun Yin, plotted to drive out Xun Yin and put Liang Yingfu in his place, and to drive out Jishe and put Fan Gaoyi in his place. Xun Li said to the Marquis of Jin: "My lord commanded the great ministers that whoever began disorder should die. Now three ministers began the disorder and Yang alone is driven out; the punishment is not even. I ask that they all be driven out." In the eleventh month Xun Li, Han Buning and Wei Chi, bearing the ducal command, attacked the Fan and Zhonghang clans, and did not prevail. The Fan and Zhonghang clans turned and attacked the duke; the duke struck at them, and the Fan and Zhonghang were defeated and ran. On dingwei the two men fled to Zhaoge. Han and Wei made intercession for the Zhao clan. On the day xinwei of the twelfth month Zhao Yang entered Jiang and covenanted in the ducal palace. The next year the Earl of Zhi, Wenzi, said to Zhao Yang: "Though the Fan and Zhonghang were truly the ones who made the disorder, it was Anyu who set it off, and so Anyu was in the plot. The state of Jin has a law: whoever begins disorder dies. Those two have already submitted to their guilt, and Anyu alone remains." Zhao Yang was troubled by it. Anyu said: "If I die and the Zhao clan is settled and the state of Jin at peace, my dying is late enough." And he thereupon killed himself. The Zhao clan reported this to the Earl of Zhi, and only then was the Zhao clan at peace.

Confucius heard that Zhao Jianzi, without asking leave of the lord of Jin, had seized Wu of Handan and held Jinyang, and therefore wrote in the Spring and Autumn: "Zhao Yang rebelled with Jinyang."

Zhao Jianzi had a subject called Zhou She, who was fond of straight remonstrance. When Zhou She died, Jianzi every time he held court was constantly displeased, and the grandees asked what their fault was. Jianzi said: "The grandees have no fault. I have heard that the hides of a thousand sheep are not worth one fox's armpit. When the several grandees come to court, I hear nothing but 'yes, yes'; I do not hear Zhou She's blunt speaking, and that is why I am troubled." Jianzi by this was able to bring the towns of Zhao in and to win the hearts of the men of Jin.

In Duke Ding of Jin's eighteenth year Zhao Jianzi besieged the Fan and Zhonghang at Zhaoge, and Zhonghang Wenzi fled to Handan. The next year Duke Ling of Wei died. Jianzi and Yang Hu escorted the Wei heir apparent Kuaikui to Wei; Wei would not take him in, and he dwelt at Qi.

In Duke Ding of Jin's twenty-first year Jianzi took Handan, and Zhonghang Wenzi fled to Boren. Jianzi again besieged Boren, and Zhonghang Wenzi and Fan Zhaozi thereupon fled to Qi. Zhao at last had Handan and Boren. The remaining towns of the Fan and Zhonghang went in to Jin. Zhao was in name a minister of Jin, but in fact engrossed Jin's power, and its endowment towns matched those of the feudal lords.

In Duke Ding of Jin's thirtieth year the duke contended for precedence with King Fuchai of Wu at Huangchi; Zhao Jianzi attended Duke Ding of Jin, and in the end Wu took precedence. Duke Ding died in his thirty-seventh year, and Jianzi cut short the three years' mourning and made it one year and no more. In that year King Goujian of Yue destroyed Wu.

In Duke Chu of Jin's eleventh year the Earl of Zhi attacked Zheng. Zhao Jianzi was ill, and he sent the heir apparent Wuxu to command and besiege Zheng. The Earl of Zhi was drunk, and poured wine over Wuxu and struck him. Wuxu's body of followers asked to die for it. Wuxu said: "The reason my lord set Wuxu up is that he can bear insult." Yet he too was angry at the Earl of Zhi. The Earl of Zhi went home and thereupon spoke to Jianzi to have Wuxu deposed, and Jianzi would not listen. From this Wuxu bore a grudge against the Earl of Zhi.

In Duke Chu of Jin's seventeenth year Jianzi died, and the heir apparent Wuxu took his place: this was Xiangzi.

In Zhao Xiangzi's first year Yue besieged Wu. Xiangzi reduced his mourning fare, and sent Chu Long to ask after the King of Wu.

Xiangzi's elder sister had earlier been the lady of the King of Dai. Jianzi having been buried, and the mourning garb not yet put off, he went north up Xiawu and invited the King of Dai. He had his cooks take bronze ladles to serve the King of Dai and his followers, and as they went round pouring he secretly ordered the stewards each to strike the King of Dai and his attendant officers dead with the ladles, and thereupon raised troops and settled the land of Dai. His sister heard of it, wept and cried out to Heaven, and sharpened her hairpin and killed herself with it. The men of Dai pitied her, and the place where she died they named the Mountain of the Sharpened Hairpin. He then enfeoffed Bolu's son Zhou with Dai as Lord Cheng of Dai. Bolu was Xiangzi's elder brother and the former heir apparent. The heir apparent had died early, and so he enfeoffed his son.

Xiangzi had been in his place four years when the Earl of Zhi with Zhao, Han and Wei divided up all the former lands of the Fan and Zhonghang. Duke Chu of Jin was angry and reported it to Qi and Lu, wishing by them to attack the four ministers. The four ministers were afraid, and thereupon together attacked Duke Chu. Duke Chu fled to Qi and died on the road. The Earl of Zhi then set up Duke Zhao's great-grandson Jiao: this was Duke Yi of Jin. The Earl of Zhi grew more arrogant. He asked land of Han and Wei, and Han and Wei gave it to him. He asked land of Zhao, and Zhao would not give it, because of the humiliation at the siege of Zheng. The Earl of Zhi was angry, and thereupon led Han and Wei in attacking Zhao. Zhao Xiangzi was afraid, and so fled and held Jinyang.

Yuan Guo was in attendance and fell behind, and reaching Wangze he saw three men, visible from the belt up and not visible from the belt down. They gave Yuan Guo two joints of bamboo, closed through. They said: "Take this for me and give it to Zhao Wuxu." Yuan Guo, on arriving, told Xiangzi. Xiangzi purified himself three days and split the bamboo open with his own hands; there was a writing in vermilion, saying: "Zhao Wuxu, I am the Heaven-sent messenger of the Marquis of the Southern Slope of the Great Mountain of Huo. On the day bingxu of the third month I shall make you turn and destroy the Zhi clan. Do you also set me up a hundred towns, and I shall bestow on you the land of the Linhu. Coming to later ages, there will be a mighty king, ruddy-dark, dragon-faced and bird-beaked, with side-locks like a deer's and a moustache and beard, a great breast and a great chest, long below and vigorous; left-lapelled and riding astride the borders, he will possess the Hezong country and reach to the various Mo of Xiuhun, will attack Jinbie in the south and destroy Heigu in the north." Xiangzi bowed twice and received the command of the three spirits.

The three states attacked Jinyang, and after a year and more they drew off the water of the Fen to flood the city; of the city there were but three courses of bricks unsoaked. Within the city they hung up their pots to cook, and exchanged their children and ate them. The body of ministers all had outward-turning hearts and grew more slack in ritual; only Gao Gong did not dare fail in ritual. Xiangzi was afraid, and so by night sent his chancellor Zhang Mengtong to work privately on Han and Wei. Han and Wei plotted together with him, and on the day bingxu of the third month the three states turned and destroyed the Zhi clan, and together divided up its lands. Thereupon Xiangzi gave out rewards, and Gao Gong was first. Zhang Mengtong said: "In the trouble at Jinyang, Gong alone had no merit." Xiangzi said: "Just when Jinyang was hard pressed, the body of ministers were all slack, and only Gong did not dare fail in the ritual of a subject; and that is why I put him first." Thereupon Zhao had Dai in the north and had annexed the Zhi clan in the south, and was stronger than Han and Wei. And so he sacrificed to the three spirits at the hundred towns, and had Yuan Guo take charge of the sacrifices to the Great Mountain of Huo.

Afterwards he married a woman of the Kongtong clan and had five sons. Xiangzi, because Bolu had not been set up, would not set up his own son, and moreover was determined to pass the place to Bolu's son Lord Cheng of Dai. Lord Cheng died first, and so he took Lord Cheng of Dai's son Huan and set him up as heir apparent. Xiangzi had been in his place thirty-three years when he died, and Huan was set up: this was Marquis Xian.

Marquis Xian came to his place young, and governed from Zhongmou.

Xiangzi's younger brother Huanzi drove out Marquis Xian and set himself up at Dai, and died in a year. The people of the state said that Huanzi's being set up was not Xiangzi's intent, and so together killed his son and welcomed Marquis Xian back and set him up again.

In the tenth year Duke Wu of Zhongshan was first set up. In the thirteenth year he walled Pingyi. In the fifteenth year Marquis Xian died, and his son Marquis Lie, Ji, was set up.

In Marquis Lie's first year Marquis Wen of Wei attacked Zhongshan, and sent his heir apparent Ji to hold it. In the sixth year Wei, Han and Zhao all set one another up as feudal lords, and honoured Xianzi posthumously as Marquis Xian.

Marquis Lie was fond of music, and said to the chancellor of state Gongzhong Lian: "I have favourites; may I make them honoured?" Gongzhong said: "To make them rich is possible; to make them honoured is not." Marquis Lie said: "So be it. There are the two Zheng singers Qiang and Shi; I shall bestow fields on them, ten thousand mu each." Gongzhong said: "Very well." And he did not give them. A month later Marquis Lie came from Dai and asked about the singers' fields. Gongzhong said: "I have looked, and there has been nothing suitable." Some time after, Marquis Lie asked again. Gongzhong in the end would not give them, and so pleaded illness and did not go to court. The Lord of Panwu came from Dai and said to Gongzhong: "Our lord is truly fond of the good, but does not yet know what to hold to. Now you, Gongzhong, have been chancellor of Zhao four years to this day; have you brought forward any men of station?" Gongzhong said: "Not yet." The Lord of Panwu said: "Niu Chu, Xun Xin and Xu Yue will all do." Gongzhong then brought the three men forward. At the next court Marquis Lie asked again: "What of the singers' fields?" Gongzhong said: "I am just having the best of them chosen." Niu Chu attended Marquis Lie with humaneness and righteousness and bound him with the kingly way, and Marquis Lie was well pleased. The next day Xun Xin attended, with selecting and drilling, raising up the worthy, appointing to office and employing the able. The next day Xu Yue attended, with husbanding wealth and frugality in expenditure, and examining and measuring merit and power. In all he offered there was nothing unfilled, and the lord was pleased. Marquis Lie sent an envoy to say to the chancellor of state: "Let the singers' fields be stopped." He gave Niu Chu the office of Teacher, Xun Xin that of Commandant, and Xu Yue that of Interior Scribe, and bestowed two suits of clothes on the chancellor of state.

In the ninth year Marquis Lie died, and his younger brother Duke Wu was set up. Duke Wu died in his thirteenth year, and Zhao set up Marquis Lie's heir apparent Zhang again: this was Marquis Jing. In that year Marquis Wen of Wei died.

In Marquis Jing's first year Duke Wu's son Zhao made a rebellion, and not prevailing fled out to Wei. Zhao first made its capital at Handan.

In the second year he defeated Qi at Lingqiu. In the third year he rescued Wei at Linqiu and greatly defeated the men of Qi. In the fourth year Wei defeated us at Tutai. He built Gangping in order to encroach on Wei. In the fifth year Qi and Wei attacked Zhao for Wei's sake and took our Gangping. In the sixth year he borrowed troops of Chu to attack Wei and took Jipu. In the eighth year he took Wei's Huangcheng. In the ninth year he attacked Qi. Qi attacked Yan, and Zhao rescued Yan. In the tenth year he fought with Zhongshan at Fangzi.

In the eleventh year Wei, Han and Zhao together destroyed Jin and divided its lands. He attacked Zhongshan, and fought again at Zhongren. In the twelfth year Marquis Jing died, and his son Marquis Cheng, Zhong, was set up.

In Marquis Cheng's first year Prince Sheng contended with Marquis Cheng for the succession and made a rebellion. In the sixth month of the second year there was rain and snow. In the third year Taiwu Wu became chancellor. He attacked Wei and took seventy-three country towns. Wei defeated us at Lin. In the fourth year he fought with Qin at Gao'an and defeated them. In the fifth year he attacked Qi at Juan. Wei defeated us at Huai. He attacked Zheng and defeated it, and gave it to Han, and Han gave us Zhangzi. In the sixth year Zhongshan built a long wall. He attacked Wei, defeated them at Tuize, and besieged King Hui of Wei. In the seventh year he encroached on Qi and reached its long wall. With Han he attacked Zhou. In the eighth year with Han he divided Zhou into two. In the ninth year he fought with Qi below E. In the tenth year he attacked Wei and took Zhen. In the eleventh year Qin attacked Wei, and Zhao rescued them at Shi'e. In the twelfth year Qin attacked Wei's Shaoliang, and Zhao rescued them. In the thirteenth year Duke Xian of Qin sent the Senior Elder Guo to attack Wei's Shaoliang, and took its heir apparent and Cuo prisoner. Wei defeated us at the Hui and took Pilao. Marquis Cheng met Marquis Zhao of Han at Shangdang. In the fourteenth year with Han he attacked Qin. In the fifteenth year he helped Wei to attack Qi.

In the sixteenth year with Han and Wei he divided Jin, and enfeoffed the lord of Jin with Duanshi.

In the seventeenth year Marquis Cheng met King Hui of Wei at Genie. In the nineteenth year he met Qi and Song at Pinglu, and Yan at E. In the twentieth year Wei presented ornamental rafters, and he accordingly made the Tan Terrace with them. In the twenty-first year Wei besieged our Handan. In the twenty-second year King Hui of Wei took our Handan, and Qi also defeated Wei at Guiling. In the twenty-fourth year Wei gave us back Handan, and he covenanted with Wei by the Zhang river. Qin attacked our Lin. In the twenty-fifth year Marquis Cheng died. Prince Xie contended for the succession with the heir apparent, Marquis Su; Xie was defeated and fled to Han.

In Marquis Su's first year he took Duanshi from the lord of Jin and moved him to dwell at Tunliu. In the second year he met King Hui of Wei at Yinjin. In the third year Prince Fan made a surprise attack on Handan, and not prevailing died. In the fourth year he paid court to the Son of Heaven. In the sixth year he attacked Qi and took Gaotang. In the seventh year Prince Ke attacked Wei's Shouyuan. In the eleventh year Duke Xiao of Qin sent the Lord of Shang to attack Wei and took its general Prince Ang prisoner. Zhao attacked Wei. In the twelfth year Duke Xiao of Qin died, and the Lord of Shang died. In the fifteenth year he raised Shouling. King Hui of Wei died.

In the sixteenth year Marquis Su was travelling at Daling and came out by the Deer Gate, and Taiwu Wu reined in his horses and said: "The work of ploughing is just now urgent; one day not worked is a hundred days without food." Marquis Su got down from his carriage and apologized.

In the seventeenth year he besieged Wei's Huang and did not prevail. He built a long wall.

In the eighteenth year Qi and Wei attacked us, and we cut the waters of the He and flooded them, and the troops went away. In the twenty-second year Zhang Yi became chancellor of Qin. Zhao Ci fought with Qin, was defeated, and Qin killed Ci west of the He and took our Lin and Lishi. In the twenty-third year Han Ju fought with Qi and Wei and died at Sangqiu.

In the twenty-fourth year Marquis Su died. Qin, Chu, Yan, Qi and Wei each sent out ten thousand picked troops to come to the funeral. His son King Wuling was set up.

In King Wuling's first year the Lord of Yangwen, Zhao Bao, was chancellor. King Xiang of Liang with his heir apparent Si, and King Xuan of Han with his heir apparent Cang, came to court at the Palace of Trust. King Wuling was young and not yet able to attend to the government; he had three teachers of broad learning and three officers of the left and right to check his faults. When he did attend to the government, he first asked after the former king's honoured minister Fei Yi and increased his rank; and for the state's Three Elders who were eighty years of age, he sent their due ceremony every month.

In the third year he walled Hao. In the fourth year he met Han at Qushu. In the fifth year he took a woman of Han as his lady.

In the eighth year Han struck at Qin and went away without prevailing. The five states styled one another king, and Zhao alone did not, saying: "Without the substance, dare one occupy the name!" And he ordered the people of the state to call him "Lord."

In the ninth year with Han and Wei he struck at Qin together, and Qin defeated us, cutting off eighty thousand heads. Qi defeated us at Guanze. In the tenth year Qin took our Zhongdu and Xiyang. Qi broke Yan. The chancellor of Yan, Zizhi, became lord, and the lord became a subject instead. In the eleventh year the king summoned Prince Zhi from Han and set him up as King of Yan, and sent Yue Chi to escort him. In the thirteenth year Qin took our Lin and took the general Zhao Zhuang prisoner. The kings of Chu and Wei came and passed through Handan. In the fourteenth year Zhao He attacked Wei.

In the sixteenth year King Hui of Qin died. The king travelled at Daling. Another day the king dreamed he saw a maiden playing the zither and singing this song: "The beautiful one gleams and gleams; her face is like the bloom of the trumpet-creeper. Alas for my lot, alas for my lot! And no one knows my name, Ying!" On another day the king was drinking and merry, and spoke several times of what he had dreamed, longing to see her likeness. Wu Guang heard of it, and through the lady sent in his daughter Wa Ying. This was Meng Yao. Meng Yao was much favoured by the king: this was the Queen Hui.

In the seventeenth year the king went out by Jiumen and made the Wild Terrace, to look out over the borders of Qi and Zhongshan.

In the eighteenth year King Wu of Qin with Meng Shuo lifted the red tripod with the dragon pattern, snapped his kneecap and died. The King of Zhao sent the chancellor of Dai, Zhao Gu, to welcome Prince Ji from Yan and escort him home, and he was set up as King of Qin: this was King Zhao.

In the first month of the spring of the nineteenth year there was a great court at the Palace of Trust. He summoned Fei Yi and discussed the empire with him, and after five days they were done. The king made a northward sweep of the lands of Zhongshan, reaching Fangzi, and thence went to Dai, and north as far as Wuqiong, and west to the He, and climbed to the top of Huanghua. He summoned Lou Huan and took counsel, saying: "Our former kings, availing themselves of the world's changes, made long the lands of our southern marches; they leaned on the bars of the Zhang and the Fu, set up a long wall, and also took Lin and Guolang, and defeated the men of Lin at Ren; and yet the work was not accomplished. Now Zhongshan is in our very heart and belly, with Yan to the north, the Hu to the east, and on the west the borders of the Linhu, the Loufan, Qin and Han; and we have no strong troops to rescue us. This is to lose the altars of soil and grain. What is to be done? To have a name that rises above the age, one must have the burden of going against custom. I mean to take the Hu dress." Lou Huan said: "Good." The body of ministers all were unwilling.

Thereupon Fei Yi was in attendance, and the king said: "Of the deeds of the lords Jian and Xiang, they reckoned up the advantages of the Hu and the Di. As for one who is a subject: in his favoured station he has the observance of filial and brotherly duty, of elder and younger, compliance and clarity; in his general course he has the work of mending the people and benefiting his lord. These two are a subject's portion. Now I mean to carry on Lord Xiang's traces and open up the country of the Hu and the Di, and yet to the end of an age I see no one doing it. We should make the enemy weak, use little strength and gain much merit, so that we need not spend all the labour of the hundred families and yet may rank with the exploits of antiquity. One who has merit rising above the age bears the burden of going against custom; one who has counsels of his own wisdom takes on the resentment of headstrong people. Now I am going to teach the hundred families the Hu dress and mounted archery, and the age will surely criticize me. What is to be done?" Fei Yi said: "Your servant has heard that a doubted undertaking has no merit and a doubted course no name. Since my lord has settled to bear the reflection of going against custom, you had best not regard what the empire may say. One who discusses the utmost power does not chime with custom; one who accomplishes a great work does not take counsel of the multitude. Long ago Shun danced to the Miao and Yu went bare among the naked people, not to pamper their desires and please their fancies, but taking pains to set forth power and bind up merit. The foolish are in the dark about accomplished matters; the wise see what has not yet taken shape. Then what has my lord to doubt?" The king said: "I do not doubt the Hu dress; I fear the empire will laugh at me. What the madman delights in, the wise man grieves at; what the fool laughs at, the worthy man looks closely into. Since there are in the world those who will comply with me, the merit of the Hu dress cannot yet be known. Though I drive the age to laugh at me, the Hu country and Zhongshan I shall surely have." Thereupon he took the Hu dress.

He sent Wang Xie to say to Prince Cheng: "I have taken the Hu dress and mean to hold court in it, and I should like my uncle to wear it too. That a household obeys its parents and a state obeys its lord is the common practice of antiquity and today. That a son does not go against his parents and a subject does not cross his lord is the general principle between brothers. Now I have made a teaching and changed the dress, and my uncle does not wear it; I fear the empire will criticize it. In ordering a state there is a constant: to benefit the people is the root; in carrying on government there is a rule: to have commands obeyed is best. Bright power is first discussed among the low, and government is first made trusted among the honoured. Now the intent of the Hu dress is not to pamper desires or please fancies; a business has its stopping-point and a merit has its issue, and only when the business is done and the merit stands is it good. Now I fear my uncle may cross the rule of carrying on government, and so support my uncle's criticism. And I have heard that one who acts to benefit the state has no crookedness in his conduct, and one who relies on honoured kinsmen gets no burden on his name. So I should like to look up to my uncle's righteousness in order to accomplish the merit of the Hu dress. I send Xie to lay it before my uncle: I beg him to wear it." Prince Cheng bowed twice and bowed his head to the ground and said: "Indeed I have heard of my lord's Hu dress. I am without ability and lie sick, and have not been able to hasten about and press forward. My lord commands me, and I dare to answer, and so pour out my foolish loyalty. It is this: your servant has heard that the central states are where the keen-witted and far-seeing dwell, where the ten thousand things and goods and uses are gathered, where the worthy and the sage teach, where humaneness and righteousness are practised, where the Odes, the Documents, the rites and the music are used, where strange skills and abilities are tried, where distant regions come to look and to resort, where the Man and the Yi take their pattern of conduct. Now my lord sets this aside and puts on the dress of a distant region, altering the teaching of antiquity, changing the way of the men of old, going against men's hearts and setting scholars against you, and departing from the central states; and so your servant would have my lord think it over." The envoy reported this. The king said: "Indeed I had heard of my uncle's illness; I shall go myself and ask him."

The king thereupon went to Prince Cheng's house and asked him in person, saying: "Dress is what is convenient for use; ritual is what is convenient for business. The sage looks at the locality and follows what suits it, and frames ritual according to the business, so as to benefit his people and enrich his state. To crop the hair and tattoo the body, to paint the arms and lap the coat leftward, is the way of the people of Ouyue. To blacken the teeth and mark the forehead, to wear a cap of leather and stitch it with millet-stalk, is the way of the state of Great Wu. So ritual and dress are nowhere the same, and their convenience is one. Localities differ and uses change; business differs and ritual alters. Therefore the sage, if he can truly benefit his state, does not make its uses uniform; if he can truly make its business convenient, he does not make its ritual the same. Scholars have one master and their customs differ; the central states have the same ritual and their teachings diverge — how much more the conveniences of hill and valley? Therefore in the changes of going and staying the wise cannot make one rule; in the dress of far and near the worthy and the sage cannot be the same. Out-of-the-way places have many oddities; crooked learning has much disputing. To be ignorant and yet not doubt, to differ from oneself and yet not condemn — this is to be impartial and to seek with the multitude for the wholly good. Now what my uncle speaks of is custom; what I speak of is what shapes custom. To the east our state has the He and the waters of Boluo, which we share with Qi and Zhongshan, and we have no use of boats and oars. From Mount Chang as far as Dai and Shangdang, to the east are the borders of Yan and the Eastern Hu, and to the west the borders of the Loufan, Qin and Han, and now we have no provision of mounted archery. Therefore, having no use of boats and oars, how shall the people who dwell along both banks hold the He and the waters of Boluo? So we change the dress and take to mounted archery, to provide against the borders of Yan, the three Hu, Qin and Han. And long ago the lord Jian did not block himself off at Jinyang but reached to Shangdang, and the lord Xiang annexed the Rong and took Dai so as to push back the several Hu: this is clear to fool and wise alike. In former times Zhongshan, backed by the strong arms of Qi, encroached violently on our land, bound and carried off our people, and drew off water to besiege Hao; and but for the spirits of the altars of soil and grain, Hao would nearly not have been held. Our former king took it as a disgrace, and the grudge could not yet be repaid. Now with the provision of mounted archery, near at hand we may suit the lie of Shangdang, and far off we may repay the grudge of Zhongshan. And my uncle complies with the custom of the central states so as to go against the intent of Jian and Xiang, and hates the name of changing the dress so as to forget the shame of the affair at Hao: this is not what I hope for." Prince Cheng bowed twice and bowed his head to the ground and said: "Your servant was foolish and did not reach my lord's meaning, and ventured to speak what is heard in common custom; that was your servant's crime. Now my lord is going to carry on the intent of Jian and Xiang so as to comply with our former king's purpose; how should your servant dare not obey the command!" And he bowed twice and bowed his head to the ground. Then the Hu dress was bestowed on him. The next day he wore it and came to court. And thereupon the order for the Hu dress first went out.

Zhao Wen, Zhao Zao, Zhou Shao and Zhao Jun all remonstrated to stop the king from taking the Hu dress, saying the old law was convenient. The king said: "Our former kings did not have the same customs; which antiquity is to be our law? Emperors and kings did not take over from one another; which ritual is to be followed? Fuxi and Shennong taught and did not put to death; the Yellow Emperor, Yao and Shun put to death and did not rage. Coming down to the Three Kings, they framed laws according to the times and framed rituals according to affairs. Statutes, measures, institutions and commands each followed what suited them; clothing and implements each suited their use. Therefore ritual need not be of one way, and to benefit the state need not be ancient. The rise of the sages was not by taking over from one another that they became kings; the decline of the Xia and the Yin was not by failing to change ritual that they perished. Then to turn back on antiquity is not to be condemned, and to follow ritual is not much to be praised. And if those whose dress is strange are loose in purpose, then Zou and Lu would have no strange conduct; if the people change where custom is deviant, then Wu and Yue would have no outstanding gentlemen. And the sage calls what benefits the body dress, and what makes business convenient ritual. As for the observances of advance and retreat and the regulation of clothing, they are for making the common people uniform; they are not for discussing the worthy. So the common people go with the current of custom, and the worthy go along with change. Therefore the proverb says: 'One who drives by the book does not exhaust a horse's nature; one who governs the present by antiquity does not reach the changes of affairs.' The merit of following statutes is not enough to rise above the age; the learning that takes antiquity for law is not enough to govern the present. You do not come up to it." And thereupon he took the Hu dress and called up mounted archery.

In the twentieth year the king swept the lands of Zhongshan as far as Ningjia, and swept the Hu lands in the west as far as Yuzhong. The King of the Linhu presented horses. On his return he sent Lou Huan to Qin, Qiu Ye to Han, Wang Ben to Chu, Fu Ding to Wei and Zhao Jue to Qi. The chancellor of Dai, Zhao Gu, took charge of the Hu and brought in their troops.

In the twenty-first year he attacked Zhongshan. Zhao Shao commanded the right army, Xu Jun the left army and Prince Zhang the central army, and the king commanded them all together. Niu Jian commanded the chariots and cavalry, and Zhao Xi commanded the Hu and Dai together. Zhao gave him Xing, and they joined armies at Quyang, and attacked and took Danqiu, Huayang and the pass of Chi. The king's army took Hao, Shiyi, Fenglong and Dongyuan. Zhongshan presented four towns for peace, and the king allowed it and broke off the campaign. In the twenty-third year he attacked Zhongshan. In the twenty-fifth year the Queen Hui died. He sent Zhou Shao in the Hu dress to be tutor to the king's son He. In the twenty-sixth year he attacked Zhongshan again, and pushed back its lands as far as Yan and Dai in the north and Yunzhong and Jiuyuan in the west.

On the day wushen of the fifth month of the twenty-seventh year there was a great court at the Eastern Palace; he handed over the state and set up the king's son He as king. The king's ceremonies at the temple being finished, he came out and took the court. The grandees all became his subjects, and Fei Yi was chancellor of state and tutor to the king besides. This was King Huiwen. King Huiwen was the son of the Queen Hui, Wu Wa. King Wuling styled himself the Lord Father.

The Lord Father wished to have his son see to governing the state, while he himself in the Hu dress led his officers and grandees in a sweep of the Hu lands to the northwest, and wished to go from Yunzhong and Jiuyuan straight south in a surprise attack on Qin; and thereupon he falsely made himself an envoy and entered Qin. King Zhao of Qin did not know him, and afterwards wondered that his bearing was so imposing, not of a subject's measure, and sent men after him; but the Lord Father had galloped out of the pass already. On close inquiry it turned out to be the Lord Father. The men of Qin were greatly startled. The reason the Lord Father had entered Qin was that he wished to survey the lie of the land for himself, and so to look at what sort of man the King of Qin was.

In King Huiwen's second year the Lord Father travelled the new lands, and thereupon came out at Dai, and westward met the King of the Loufan at the Western He and brought in his troops.

In the third year he destroyed Zhongshan and moved its king to Fushi. He raised Lingshou; the northern country then followed along, and the road to Dai was fully opened. He went home, gave out rewards, granted a great amnesty and set out drink and feasting for five days, and enfeoffed his eldest son Zhang as Lord of Anyang in Dai. Zhang had always been extravagant, and in his heart did not submit to his younger brother's being set up. The Lord Father further made Tian Buli Zhang's chancellor.

Li Dui said to Fei Yi: "Prince Zhang is strong and vigorous and proud in purpose, has a numerous party and wide desires; is there not something private afoot? As for Tian Buli's character, he is ruthless in killing and arrogant. With the two of them getting on together, there must surely be plots and hidden villainy arising, and a throw for a lucky chance. Small men have their desires; they are light in reckoning and shallow in planning, seeing only the gain and not regarding the harm; and like pushes on like, and they go in together at the gate of disaster. As I see it, it cannot be long. You bear a heavy charge and your position is great; you are where the disorder begins and where the disaster gathers, and you must be the first to suffer. The humane man loves the ten thousand things, and the wise man provides against disaster before it takes shape; being neither humane nor wise, how is a state to be governed? Why do you not plead illness and not go out, and hand the government over to Prince Cheng? Do not be a storehouse of resentment; do not be a ladder for disaster." Fei Yi said: "It cannot be. Long ago the Lord Father entrusted the king to Yi, saying: 'Do not change your measure, do not alter your thoughts, hold firmly to one mind, to the end of your days.' Yi bowed twice, received the command and wrote it down. Now to fear Buli's trouble and forget what I wrote — what change could be greater? To come forward and receive a solemn command, and withdraw and not make it whole — what breach of trust could be worse? A minister who changes and breaks trust is not to be spared by the law. The proverb says: 'Let the dead come back to life, and let the living not blush before them.' My words are already given; I mean to make my words whole — how can I make my own person whole too! Moreover it is when the difficulty arrives that a steadfast minister's observance is seen, and when troubles come that a loyal minister's conduct is made clear. You have given me a gift and been loyal to me; even so, I have words given before, and to the end I dare not fail them." Li Dui said: "Very well; do your best! I shall see you only for this year." And he went out weeping. Li Dui saw Prince Cheng repeatedly, to provide against the business of Tian Buli.

On another day Fei Yi said to Xinqi: "The prince and Tian Buli are much to be feared. Toward Yi their voices are fair and their substance foul; such men are neither sons nor subjects. I have heard that a treacherous minister at court is the ruin of a state, and a slandering minister within is a grub in the ruler. These men are greedy and their desires are wide; within they have the ruler's ear and without they act with violence. To forge a command and be loose with it, and so engross the commands of a single morning, would be no hard thing for them, and the disaster will reach the state. Now I am troubled at it, and at night forget to sleep, and when hungry forget to eat. Against thieves and brigands coming and going one cannot but provide. From now on, if anyone comes summoning the king, he must see my face; I shall first meet him with my own person, and only if there is nothing amiss shall the king go in." Xinqi said: "Well said; I am glad to have heard this!"

In the fourth year he held court with the body of ministers, and the Lord of Anyang came to court too. The Lord Father had the king take the court, while he himself watched from the side and observed the ceremonies of the ministers and of the ducal kin. He saw his eldest son Zhang downcast and dispirited, facing north as a subject instead and bending before his younger brother, and in his heart he pitied him; and thereupon he wished to divide Zhao and make Zhang king in Dai, and the plan was not decided when it was dropped.

The Lord Father and the king were travelling at Shaqiu and lodged in separate palaces, and Prince Zhang thereupon with his followers and Tian Buli made a rebellion, falsely summoning the king by the Lord Father's command. Fei Yi went in first, and they killed him. Gao Xin thereupon fought with the king. Prince Cheng and Li Dui came from the capital, and then raised the troops of four towns and came in to withstand the trouble, and killed Prince Zhang and Tian Buli, destroyed their party and the culprits, and settled the royal house. Prince Cheng became chancellor, styled the Lord of Anping, and Li Dui became Minister of Justice. At Prince Zhang's defeat he had run to the Lord Father, and the Lord Father opened to him, and Cheng and Dui thereupon besieged the Lord Father's palace. Prince Zhang being dead, Prince Cheng and Li Dui took counsel: "It was on Zhang's account that we besieged the Lord Father; if we now break off the troops, we and ours shall be exterminated." And so they thereupon besieged the Lord Father. They ordered the people in the palace: "The last to come out shall be exterminated," and the people in the palace all came out. The Lord Father wished to come out and could not, and could get no food either, and he groped for fledgling sparrows and ate them, and after three months and more he starved to death in the palace at Shaqiu. When the Lord Father was certainly dead, they announced the mourning to the feudal lords.

At this time the king was young, and Cheng and Dui engrossed the government; and fearing to be put to death, they therefore besieged the Lord Father. The Lord Father had at first made his eldest son Zhang heir apparent; afterwards he got Wu Wa and loved her, and for several years did not come out, and she bore the son He, and so he deposed the heir apparent Zhang and set up He as king. When Wu Wa died his love slackened and he pitied the former heir apparent, and wished to make both of them kings, and wavered and did not decide; therefore the disorder arose, until father and son both died and were the laughing-stock of the empire. Is it not grievous!

In the fifth year he exchanged Mao and Yi with Yan. In the eighth year he walled Nanxingtang. In the ninth year Zhao Liang commanded, and joining armies with Qi attacked Han, reaching below Lu Pass. By the tenth year Qin had set itself up as Western Emperor. In the eleventh year Dong Shu with the Wei clan attacked Song, and got Heyang from Wei. Qin took Gengyang. In the twelfth year Zhao Liang commanded and attacked Qi. In the thirteenth year Han Xuwei commanded and attacked Qi. The princess died. In the fourteenth year the chancellor of state Yue Yi led Zhao, Qin, Han, Wei and Yan in attacking Qi and took Lingqiu. He met Qin at Zhongyang. In the fifteenth year King Zhao of Yan came and had audience. Zhao with Han, Wei and Qin together struck at Qi; the King of Qi was defeated and ran, and Yan alone went deep in and took Linzi.

In the sixteenth year Qin again with Zhao repeatedly struck at Qi, and the men of Qi were troubled by it. Su Li on Qi's behalf sent the King of Zhao a letter, saying:

Your servant has heard that with the worthy lords of antiquity it was not that their power and conduct were spread over the realm within the seas, nor that their teaching and compliance soaked into the people, nor that their sacrifices and seasonal offerings were more frequent than usual to the ghosts and spirits. Sweet dew comes down, the seasonable rain arrives, the year's grain ripens richly, the people are without sickness and plague, and the multitude call it good: and yet the worthy ruler ponders it.

Now your worthy conduct and your strength of effort have not been repeatedly laid upon Qin; nor is your poisonous resentment and stored anger of old deep against Qi. Qin and Zhao are allies, and by their strength they levy troops of Han: does Qin truly love Zhao? Or does it in fact hate Qi? When a thing is excessive, the worthy ruler looks into it. Qin does not love Zhao and hate Qi; it wishes to destroy Han and swallow the two Zhous, and therefore it uses Qi as a bait for the empire. Fearing the business will not come together, it sends out troops to coerce Wei and Zhao. Fearing the empire will be afraid of it, it sends out hostages as a token of good faith. Fearing the empire will quickly turn, it levies troops of Han to overawe it. In name it is being kind to its allies; in fact it is attacking a hollowed-out Han. Your servant holds that Qin's plan must come out here. Now things may have different situations and the same trouble: Chu was attacked for a long time and Zhongshan perished; now Qi is attacked for a long time and Han must perish. Break Qi, and my lord divides the profit with six states; destroy Han, and Qin engrosses it alone. Gather in the two Zhous and take the sacrificial vessels west, and Qin makes them its own alone. Assess the fields and reckon up the merits: whose gain is the greater, my lord's or Qin's?

The reckoning of the persuaders runs: "Han loses the Three Chuan and Wei loses the state of Jin; the market and the court have not changed and the disaster has already reached them." Yan has all Qi's northern lands, and the distance to Shaqiu and Julu is at the closest three hundred li; Han's Shangdang is a hundred li from Handan; and Yan and Qin, scheming after my lord's rivers and mountains, are separated by three hundred li and then come through. Qin's Shang commandery is near the Ting Pass, and to Yuzhong is fifteen hundred li; if Qin with three commanderies attacks my lord's Shangdang, then west of Yangchang and south of Gouzhu are no longer my lord's. Cross Gouzhu, cut off Mount Chang and hold it, and three hundred li on they come through to Yan; then the horses of Dai and the dogs of the Hu do not come down eastward and the jade of Kunshan does not come out — and these three treasures too are no longer my lord's. If my lord attacks Qi for long and follows the strong Qin in attacking Han, the disaster will surely come to this. I wish my lord would think it over carefully.

Moreover, the reason Qi is attacked is that it served my lord; the empire acts in concert to scheme against my lord. The agreement between Yan and Qin is made and the day for troops to go out is set. When five states divided my lord's land in three, Qi went against the five states' agreement and gave itself up for my lord's trouble, and turned its troops west to check the strong Qin, and Qin gave up the title of Emperor and asked to submit, gave Gaoping and Genrou back to Wei, and gave Jingfen and Xianyu back to Zhao. Qi's serving my lord ought to be reckoned the highest merit, and now instead it meets with punishment; your servant fears that those who serve my lord hereafter will not dare to be sure of themselves. I wish my lord would reckon it carefully.

Now if my lord will not join the empire in attacking Qi, the empire will surely hold my lord righteous. Qi will hold its altars of soil and grain and serve my lord generously, and the empire will all give weight to my lord's righteousness. If my lord uses the empire to be good to Qin, and, when Qin is violent, uses the empire to check it, then a whole age's name and honour will be controlled by my lord. — Thereupon Zhao broke off and excused itself to Qin from striking at Qi.

The king met the King of Yan. Lian Po commanded and attacked Qi's Xiyang and took it.

In the seventeenth year Yue Yi commanded the Zhao host and attacked Wei's Boyang. And Qin, resenting Zhao for not joining it in striking at Qi, attacked Zhao and took two of our cities. In the eighteenth year Qin took our Shicheng. The king went again to Wei's Dongyang and cut the waters of the He and attacked the Wei clan. There were great floods, and the Zhang river came out. Wei Ran came and was chancellor of Zhao. In the nineteenth year Qin took two of our cities. Zhao gave Boyang to Wei. Zhao She commanded and attacked Qi's Maiqiu and took it.

In the twentieth year Lian Po commanded and attacked Qi. The king met King Zhao of Qin beyond the Western He.

In the twenty-first year Zhao shifted the Zhang river west of Wuping. In the twenty-second year there was a great plague. He made Prince Dan heir apparent.

In the twenty-third year Lou Chang commanded and attacked Wei's Ji, and could not take it. In the twelfth month Lian Po commanded and attacked Ji and took it. In the twenty-fourth year Lian Po commanded and attacked Wei's Fangzi and took it, and accordingly walled it and came back. He also attacked Anyang and took it. In the twenty-fifth year Yan Zhou commanded and attacked Changcheng and Gaotang and took them. With Wei he struck at Qin together. The Qin general Bai Qi broke us at Huayang and got one of our generals. In the twenty-sixth year he took the land of Oudai from the Eastern Hu.

In the twenty-seventh year he shifted the Zhang river south of Wuping. He enfeoffed Zhao Bao as Lord of Pingyang. The waters of the He came out and there were great floods.

In the twenty-eighth year Lin Xiangru attacked Qi and reached Pingyi. He broke off the building of the great wall at the nine gates in the north. The Yan general the Lord of Cheng'an, Gongsun Cao, murdered his king. In the twenty-ninth year Qin and Han attacked each other and besieged Eyu. Zhao sent Zhao She to command and strike at Qin, and he greatly broke the Qin army below Eyu, and was given the style Lord of Mafu.

In the thirty-third year King Huiwen died, and the heir apparent Dan was set up: this was King Xiaocheng.

In King Xiaocheng's first year Qin attacked us and took three cities. The King of Zhao was newly set up and the Queen Dowager was managing affairs, and Qin attacked hard. The Zhao clan asked rescue of Qi, and Qi said: "You must make the Lord of Chang'an a hostage, and then the troops will go out." The Queen Dowager was unwilling, and the great ministers remonstrated strongly. The Queen Dowager said plainly to those about her: "Whoever speaks again of making the Lord of Chang'an a hostage — this old woman will surely spit in his face." The Left Master Chu Long said he wished to see the Queen Dowager, and the Queen Dowager, full of temper, waited for him. He came in, went slowly forward and sat down, and excused himself, saying: "Your old servant is ill in the feet and cannot walk fast at all, and has not been able to see you this long while. I privately excused myself, but feared that the Queen Dowager's body might have something amiss with it, and so wished to look upon the Queen Dowager." The Queen Dowager said: "This old woman goes about only by leaning on a hand-carriage." He said: "Has your eating not fallen off?" She said: "I rely on gruel and no more." He said: "Your old servant lately had quite lost the wish to eat, and then made himself walk, three or four li a day, and gained a little more appetite for food, and it agreed with the body." The Queen Dowager said: "This old woman cannot do it." The Queen Dowager's unfriendly look eased a little. The Left Master said: "Your old servant's lowly offspring Shuqi is the youngest and is worthless, and I am declining, and I privately pity and love him, and would like him to fill a vacancy in the Black Coats and guard the royal palace; I lay it before you at the hazard of death." The Queen Dowager said: "Granted respectfully. How old is he?" He answered: "Fifteen. Though young, I should like to entrust him before I fill up a ditch." The Queen Dowager said: "Do men too pity and love the youngest son?" He answered: "More than women do." The Queen Dowager laughed and said: "With women it is especially so." He answered: "Your old servant privately thinks that madam's love for the Queen of Yan is greater than for the Lord of Chang'an." The Queen Dowager said: "You are mistaken; it is nothing to what it is for the Lord of Chang'an." The Left Master said: "When parents love a child, they plan far ahead for it. When madam sent off the Queen of Yan, she held her heel and wept for her, thinking of her going far away, and grieved for her too. When she had gone, it was not that you did not think of her; but at the sacrifices you prayed: 'Let her surely not come back.' Was this not planning for the long term, so that her sons and grandsons should succeed one another as kings?" The Queen Dowager said: "It is so." The Left Master said: "Now going back three generations, among the sons and grandsons of the rulers of Zhao who were made marquises, are there any whose succession still stands?" She said: "There are none." He said: "And not only in Zhao — among the feudal lords are there any still standing?" She said: "This old woman has not heard of any." He said: "This is because for the nearer ones the disaster reached their own persons, and for the further ones it reached their sons and grandsons. Is it that a ruler's son who is made a marquis is necessarily no good? It is that his station is honoured and he has no merit, his emolument is rich and he has no toil, and he holds too many weighty vessels besides. Now madam honours the Lord of Chang'an's station and enfeoffs him with rich and fertile land and gives him many weighty vessels, and does not take this present time to have him do some merit for the state; and once the hills and mounds crumble, on what will the Lord of Chang'an rest himself in Zhao? Your old servant thinks madam's plan for the Lord of Chang'an is short-sighted, and therefore holds that you love him less than the Queen of Yan." The Queen Dowager said: "Very well; do with him as you please." Thereupon they made ready a hundred chariots for the Lord of Chang'an and he was hostage in Qi, and the troops of Qi then went out.

Ziyi heard of it and said: "A ruler's son, his own flesh and bone, still could not hold an honour without merit, an emolument without toil, and the weight of gold and jade; how much less one such as I?"

The Lord of Anping of Qi, Tian Dan, commanded the Zhao host and attacked Yan's Zhongyang and took it. He also attacked Han's Zhuren and took it. In the second year the Queen Huiwen died. Tian Dan became chancellor.

In the fourth year the king dreamed he wore a robe with the seam off-centre, rode a flying dragon up to the sky and fell before he reached it, and saw gold and jade heaped up like a hill. The next day the king summoned the divination scribe Gan to cast it, and he said: "To dream of wearing a robe with the seam off-centre is to be cut short. To ride a flying dragon up to the sky and fall before reaching it is to have vapour and no substance. To see gold and jade heaped up like a hill is grief."

Three days later the envoy of Feng Ting, the Han governor of Shangdang, arrived and said: "Han cannot hold Shangdang and is giving it in to Qin. Its officers and people all would rather be Zhao's and do not wish to be Qin's. There are seventeen walled market towns; I beg with a double bow to bring them in to Zhao, and leave it to the king to bestow what he will on the officers and people." The king was greatly delighted, and summoned Bao, the Lord of Pingyang, and told him: "Feng Ting is bringing in seventeen walled market towns; how would it be to accept them?" He answered: "The sage holds a profit without cause to be a great misfortune." The king said: "Men are drawn by my power; why call it without cause?" He answered: "Qin has been eating up the Han lands like a silkworm, and has cut them through the middle so that they cannot join; it certainly reckons that it may sit and receive the land of Shangdang. The reason the Han clan does not give it in to Qin is that it wishes to pass its disaster on to Zhao. Qin does the toil and Zhao receives the gain; even the strong and great cannot get it from the small and weak — can the small and weak then get it from the strong and great? How can this be called anything but a profit without cause! And Qin, with its water-borne grain from the ox-ploughed fields eating its way forward, and its doubled fighting in the upper ranks, carves up the lands of the upper states, and its government works, and it cannot be made trouble for. You must certainly not accept." The king said: "Now if we send out an army of a million and attack, in a year and more we do not get one city. Now with seventeen walled market towns they make our state a present; this is a great gain."

Zhao Bao went out, and the king summoned the Lord of Pingyuan and Zhao Yu and told them. They answered: "Send out an army of a million and attack, and in a year and more you do not get one city; and now you may sit and receive seventeen walled market towns. This is a great gain and must not be lost." The king said: "Good." And he ordered Zhao Sheng to receive the land, and told Feng Ting: "Our poor state's envoy, your servant Sheng — our poor state's lord has sent Sheng to deliver his command: with three towns of ten thousand households to enfeoff the governor, and three towns of a thousand households to enfeoff the county magistrates, all to be marquises generation after generation, and the officers and people all to be raised three degrees in rank; and the officers and people who can keep one another at peace shall all be given six catties of gold." Feng Ting shed tears and would not see the envoy, saying: "I will not put myself in three unrighteous positions: to hold land for my lord and not be able to die firm for it, that is the first unrighteousness; to give it in to Qin and not obey my lord's command, that is the second; to sell my lord's land and eat off it, that is the third." Zhao thereupon sent out troops and took Shangdang. The general Lian Po encamped at Changping.

In the seventh month Lian Po was relieved and Zhao Kuo took the command. The men of Qin surrounded Zhao Kuo, and Zhao Kuo surrendered with his army, and more than four hundred thousand men were all buried in pits. The king repented not having listened to Zhao Bao's plan, and so came the disaster of Changping.

The king went back and would not listen to Qin, and Qin besieged Handan. The magistrate of Wuyuan, Fu Bao, with Wang Rong and Su She led a Yan following in rebellion in the Yan lands. Zhao enfeoffed the Chu chancellor, the Lord of Chunshen, with Lingqiu.

In the eighth year the Lord of Pingyuan went to Chu to ask rescue. On his return Chu came to the rescue, and Prince Wuji of Wei also came to the rescue, and the Qin siege of Handan was then lifted.

In the tenth year Yan attacked Changzhuang and in the fifth month took it. The Zhao generals Yue Cheng and Qing She attacked the Qin army of Xinliang and broke it. The heir apparent died. And Qin attacked Western Zhou and took it. Tufu Qi came out. In the eleventh year he walled Yuanshi and made Shangyuan a county. The Lord of Wuyang, Zheng Anping, died, and his lands were taken back. In the twelfth year the granaries of Handan burned. In the fourteenth year the Lord of Pingyuan, Zhao Sheng, died.

In the fifteenth year with Weiwen he enfeoffed the chancellor of state Lian Po as Lord of Xinping. The King of Yan ordered his chancellor Li Fu to make an agreement of friendship, and with five hundred catties of gold gave a feast for the King of Zhao; and on returning home he reported to the King of Yan: "The men of Zhao who were in their prime all died at Changping, and their orphans are not yet grown; it may be attacked." The king summoned the Lord of Changguo, Yue Jian, and asked him. He answered: "Zhao is a state fought over on four sides, and its people are practised in arms; it cannot be attacked." The king said: "I shall attack the few with the many, two against one; will that do?" He answered: "It will not." The king said: "Then if I attack one with five, will that do?" He answered: "It will not." The King of Yan was greatly enraged. The body of ministers all thought it would do. Yan in the end raised two armies with two thousand chariots; Li Fu commanded and attacked Hao, and Qing Qin commanded and attacked Dai. Lian Po was general for Zhao, broke and killed Li Fu, and took Qing Qin and Yue Jian prisoner.

In the sixteenth year Lian Po besieged Yan. He made Yue Cheng the Lord of Wuxiang. In the seventeenth year the acting chancellor and grand general, the Lord of Wuxiang, attacked Yan and besieged its capital. In the eighteenth year Yanling Jun led a host to follow the chancellor of state, the Lord of Xinping, in helping Wei to attack Yan. Qin took thirty-seven of our cities at Yuci. In the nineteenth year Zhao exchanged lands with Yan: it gave Longdui, Fenmen and Linle to Yan, and Yan gave Ge, Wuyang and Pingshu to Zhao.

In the twentieth year the King of Qin, Zheng, was first set up. Qin took our Jinyang.

In the twenty-first year King Xiaocheng died. Lian Po commanded and attacked Fanyang and took it. Yue Cheng was sent to replace him; Lian Po attacked Yue Cheng, Yue Cheng ran, and Lian Po fled into Wei. His son Yan was set up: this was King Daoxiang.

In King Daoxiang's first year he made great provision against Wei. He wished to open the road between Pingyi and Zhongmou, and did not accomplish it.

In the second year Li Mu commanded and attacked Yan and took Wusui and Fangcheng. Qin summoned the Lord of Chunping and thereupon detained him. Xie Jun for his sake said to the Marquis of Wenxin: "As for the Lord of Chunping, the King of Zhao loves him dearly and the palace attendants are jealous of him, and therefore they took counsel together: 'If the Lord of Chunping enters Qin, Qin will surely detain him'; and so they took counsel together and sent him in to Qin. Now my lord detains him, and this is to cut Zhao off and to let the palace attendants' plan hit its mark. My lord had better send the Lord of Chunping away and detain the Lord of Pingdu. The Lord of Chunping's words and deeds are trusted by the king, and the king will surely cut off a rich piece of Zhao to ransom the Lord of Pingdu." The Marquis of Wenxin said: "Good." And accordingly he sent him away. He walled Hangao.

In the third year Pang Nuan commanded and attacked Yan, and captured its general Ju Xin. In the fourth year Pang Nuan commanded the picked hosts of Zhao, Chu, Wei and Yan and attacked Qin's Zui, and did not take it; he shifted to attack Qi and took Rao'an. In the fifth year Fu Di commanded and was posted at Pingyi; Qing She commanded the host of Dongyang and beyond the He and guarded the bridges over the He. In the sixth year he enfeoffed the Lord of Chang'an with Rao. Wei gave Zhao Ye.

In the ninth year Zhao attacked Yan and took Li and Yangcheng. Before the troops broke off, Qin attacked Ye and took it. King Daoxiang died, and his son King Youmiu, Qian, was set up.

In King Youmiu Qian's first year he walled Boren. In the second year Qin attacked Wucheng; Hu Zhe led a host to rescue it, and the army was defeated and he died there.

In the third year Qin attacked Chili and Yi'an, and Li Mu led a host and fought with them below Fei, and drove them back. He enfeoffed Mu as Lord of Wu'an. In the fourth year Qin attacked Panwu, and Li Mu fought with them and drove them back.

In the fifth year there was a great quaking in the land of Dai; from Lexu westward and north to Pingyin, more than half the terraces, houses and walls collapsed, and the earth split a hundred and thirty paces east and west. In the sixth year there was a great famine, and the people had a rumour-saying: "Zhao is for wailing, Qin is for laughing. If you think it not true, look at the hair growing on the ground."

In the seventh year the men of Qin attacked Zhao, and Zhao's grand general Li Mu and the general Sima Shang commanded and struck at them. Li Mu was put to death and Sima Shang was relieved, and Zhao Cong and the Qi general Yan Ju took their place. Zhao Cong's army was broken and Yan Ju fled away. They surrendered with King Qian.

In the tenth month of the eighth year Handan became Qin's.

The Lord Grand Astrologer says: I have heard Feng Wangsun say: "As for King Qian of Zhao, his mother was a singing-girl and was a favourite of King Daoxiang. King Daoxiang deposed his rightful son Jia and set up Qian. Qian had always been without good conduct and trusted slanderers, and therefore he put his good general Li Mu to death and employed Guo Kai." Is it not perverse! After Qin had taken Qian prisoner, the fugitive grandees of Zhao together set up Jia as king, and he was king in Dai six years, when Qin advanced its troops and broke Jia, and thereupon destroyed Zhao and made it a commandery.